\ 
4' 


T  H  E 


POLITICAL  WRITINGS 


OF 


J  O  EL    B  A  R  L  O  W. 


CONTAINING 

ADVICE  TO  THE  PRIVILEGED  ORDERS. 
LETTER  TO  THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION 
LETTER  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  PIEDMONT, 
THE  CONSPIRACY  OF. KINGS. 


A  New  Edition  Corrected. 


N    E  W-Y    O    R    K. 

Printed  by  MOTT  W  'LvON,  at  their  Printing-0f~ 

fee,  No.  71,  Barclay- Streety  and  Sold  at  their 

Book  'Start,  No.  70,   Vcfey-Street. 

—i  7  9-6.^ 


ADVICE 

TO    THE 

PRIVILEGED    ORDERS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

T 

JL  HE  French  Revolution  is  at  laft  not  only 
accomplifhed,  but  its  accomplifhment  univerfally 
acknowledged,  beyond  contradiction  abroad,  or  the 
power  of  retraction  at  home.*  It  has  finifhed  its 
work,  by  organizing  a  government,  on  principles 
approved  by  reafon  ;  an  object  long  contemplated 
by  different  writers,  but  never  before  exhibited,  in 
this  quarter  of  the  globe.  The  experiment  now 

*  The  reader  will  bear  in  mind  that  this  was 
written  in  the  latter  end  of  the  year  1791,  juft  as 
the  French  had  eflablifhed  their  firfl  conflitution, 
and  were  determined  to  try  the  experiment  of  a  lim 
ited  monarchy.  It  is  in  this  fenfe  that  the  author 
confidered  the  revolution  as  finifhed  ;  though  he 
clid  not  believe,  as  will  appear  in  this  introduction, 
that  a  government  fo  conftrufted,  and  fo  little  con 
genial  to  the  fpirit  of  the  times,  would  be  of  long 
duration. 

He  did  not.believe  in  the  neceflity  of  a  war  to  in 
troduce  and  eftablifh  the  republic.  For  though  the 
treaty  of  Pilnitz  had  then  been  publifhed,  and 
though  it  bore  the  marks  of  that,  folly  which  is 
A  2 


IV  INTRODUCTION. 


in  operation  will  folve  a  queftion  of  the  firft  mag* 
nitude  in  human  affairs  :  Whether  Theory  and 
Praftice,  which  always  agree  together  in  things  of 
ilighter  moment,  are'really  to  remain  eternal  ene 
mies  in  the  higheft  concerns  of  men  ? 

The  change  of  government  in  France  is,  pro 
perly  f peak  ing,  a  renovation  of  fociety ;  an  objecl: 
peculiarly  fitted  to  hurry  the  mind  into  a  field  of 
thought,  which  can  fcarcely  be  limited  by  the  con 
cerns  of  a  nation,  or  the  improvements  of  an  age. 
As  there  is  a  tendency  in  human  nature  to  imita 
tion  ;  and  as  all  the  apparent  caufes  exift  in  mod 
of  the  governments  of  the  world,  to  induce  the  peo 
ple  to  wifh  for  a  fimilar  change  ;  it  becomes  inter^ 
efting  to  the  caufe  of  humanity,  to  take  a  delibe 
rate  view  of  the  real  nature  and  extent  of  this 
change,  and  find  what  are  the  advantages  and  dif- 
advamages  tobeexpe&ed  from  it. 

There  is  not  that  necromancy  in  politics,  which 
prevents  our  foreseeing,  with  tolerable  certainty, 
what  is  to  be  the  refult  of  operations  fo  universal, 
in  which  all  the  people  concur.  Many  truths  are 
as  perceptible  when  firft  prefented  to  the  mind, 
as  an  age  or  a  world  of  experience  Could  make 
them  ;  others  require  ojly  an  indirect  and  collateral 
experience  ;  fome  demand  an  experience  direft 
and  pofitive. 


common  to  the  enemies  of  reform  in  all  ages,  ftill 
it  does  not  appear  from  any  fubfequent  events,  that 
the  parties  to  that  treaty  had  any  intention  of  pufh- 
ing  their  oppofition  to  open  hoftilities.  This  opin 
ion  is  more  fully  developed  in  the  preface  to  The 
Conspiracy  of  Kings,  and  in  the  note  on  Mr.  Burke, 
at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


INTRODUCTION, 


It  is  happy  for  human  nature,  that  in  morals 
we  have  much  to  do  with  this  firft  clafs  of  truths, 
lefs  with  the  fecond,  and  very  little  with  the  third; 
while  in  phyfics  we  are  perpetually  driven  to  the 
flow  procefs  of  patient  and  pofitive  experience. 

The  Revolution  in  France  certainly  comes  re 
commended  to  us  under  one  afpect  which  renders 
it  at  firft  view  extremely  inviting :  it  is  the  work 
of  argument  and  rational  conviction,  not  of  the 
fword.  The  ultima  ratio  regum  had  nothing  to  do 
with  it.  It  was  an  operation  defigned  for  the  be 
nefit  of  the  people  ;  it  originated  in  the  people,  and 
was  conducted  by  the  people.  It  had  therefore  a 
legitimate  origin  ;  and  this  circumftance  entitles  it 
to  our  ferious  contemplation,  on  two  accounts: 
becaufe  there  is  fomething  venerable  in  the  idea, 
and  becaufe  other  nations,  in  fimilar  circumftances, 
will  certainly  be  difpofed  to  imitate  it. 

I  (hall  therefore  examine  the  nature  and  confe- 
quences  of  a  fimilar  revolution  in  government,  as 
it  will  affect  the  following  principal  objects,  which 
make  up  the  affairs  of  nations  in  the  prefent  (late 
of  Europe  : 

I.  The  Feudal  Syftem, 

II.  The  Church, 

III.  The  Military, 

IV.  The  Administration  of  Juflice, 

V.  Revenue  and  public  expenditure. 

It  mud  be  of  vail  importance  to  nil  the  claffesof 
fociety,  as  it  now  ftands  claffed  in  Europe,,  to  cal 
culate  before-hand  what  they  are  to  gain  or  to  loofe 
by  the  appgteching  change  ;  that,  like  prudent 
liock-jobbcT&ihcy  may  buy  in  or  fell  out,  accord 
ing  as  this  great  event  iliall  affect  them. 

Philofophers  and  contemplative  men,  who  may 
think  themfclvesclifii^terefted  fpectaters  of  fo  great 


Vi  INTRODUCTION. 

a  political  drama,  will  do  well  to  confider  how  far 
the  cataftrophe  is  to  be  beneficial  or  detrimental  to 
the  human  race  ;  in  Order  to  determine  whether 
in  conference  they  ought  to  promote  or  difcourage, 
accelerate  or  retard  it,  by  the  publication  of  their 
opinions.  It  is  true,  the  work  was  fet  on  foot  by 
this  fort  of  men  ;  but  they  have  not  all  been  of  the 
fame  opinion  relative  to  the  bed  organization  of 
the  governing  power,  or  how  far  the  reform  of 
abufes  ought  to  extend.  Montefquieu,  Voltaire, 
and  many  other  refpeftable  authorities,  have  ac 
credited  the  principle,  that  republicanifm  is  not 
convenient  for  a  great  (late.  Others  take  no  no 
tice  of  the  diftin&ion  between  great  and  fmall 
itates,  in  deciding,  that  this  is  the  only  govern 
ment  proper  to  enfure,  the  happinefs,  and  fupport 
the  dignity  of  man.  Of  the  former  opinion  was 
a  great  majority  of  the  conftituant  national  affem- 
bly  of  France.  Probably  not  many  years  will 
pafs,  before  a  third  opinion  will  be  univerfally 
adopted,  never  to  be  laid  afide  :  That  the  republi 
can  principle  is  not  only  proper  and  fafe  for  the 
government  of  any  people  ;  but  that  its  propriety 
and  fafety  are  in  proportion  to  the  magnitude  ef 
the  fociety  and  extent  of  the  territory. 

Among  fincere  enquirers  after  truth,  all  gener 
al  queflions  on  this  fubjecl:  reduce  themfelves  to 
this:  Whether  men  are  to  perform  their  duties 
by  an  eafy  choice  or  an  expenfive  cheat ;  or,  whe 
ther  our  reafon  be  given  us  to  be  improved  or  Hi- 
fled,  to  render  us  greater  or  lefs  than  brutes,  to 
increafe  our  happinefs  or  aggravate  our  mifery. 

Among  thofe  whofe  anxieties  arife  only  from 
intereft,  the  inquiry  is,  how  their  privileges  or 
their  profeffions  are  to  be  affe6ted  by  the  new  order 
ef  things.  Thefe  form  a  clafs  of  men  refpeCtablc 


INTRODUCTION.  Vll 

both  for  their  numbers  and  fenfibilhy  ;  it  is  our 
duty  to  attend  to  their  cafe.  I  fmcerely  hope  to 
adminifter  fome  confolation  to  them  in  the  courfe 
of  this  eflay.  And  though  I  have  a  better  opinion 
of  their  philanthrophy,  thara  political  opponents 
generally  entertain  of  each  other,  yet  I  do  not  al 
together  rely  upon  their  prefumed  fympathy  with 
their  fellow-citizens,  and  their  fuppofed  willing- 
nefs  to  facrifice  to  the  public  good  ;  but  I  hope  to 
convince  them,  that  the  effoblifhment  of  general 
liberty  will  be  lefs  injurious  to  thofe  \vho  now 
live  by  abufes,  than  is  commonly  imagined  ;  that 
protected  induftry  will  produce  effects  far  more  af- 
tonifhing  than  have  ever  been  calculated  ;  that  the 
increafe  of  enjoyments  will  be  fuch,  as  to  amelio 
rate  the  condition  of  every  human  creature. 

To  perfuade  this  clafs  of  mankind^  that  it  is 
neither  their  duty  nor  their  intereft  to  endeavour  to 
perpetuate  fhe  ancient  forms  of  government,  wculd 
be  an  high  and  holy  office  ;  it  would  be  the  great- 
eft  act  of  charity  to  them,  as  it  might  teach  them 
to  avoid  a  danger  that  rs  otherwife  unavoidable  ;  it 
would  preclude  the  occafion  of  the  people's  indul 
ging  what  is  fometimes  called  a  ferocious  difpofi- 
tion,  which  is  apt  to  grow  upon  the  revenge  of 
injuries,  and  render  them  lefs  harmonious  in  their 
new  ftation  of  citizens;  it  would  prevent  the  civil 
wars,  which  might  attend  the  infurre&ions  of  the 
people,  where  there  mould  be  a  great  want  of  una 
nimity,- — for  we  are  not  to  expect  in  every  country, 
that  mildnefs  and  dignity  which  have  uniformly 
characterized  the  French,  even  in  their  moil  tu 
multuous  movements*;  it  would  remove  every 

*  Whatever  reafon  may  be  given  for  the  fa£t,  I: 
believe  all  thofc  who  have  been  witnefles  of  what 


Vlil  INTRODUCTION. 


obftacle  and  every  danger  that  may  feem  to  attend 
that  rational  fyftem  of  public  felicity  to  which  the 
nations  of  Europe  are  moving  with  rapid  ftrides, 
and  which  in  profpect  is  fo  confoling  to  the  en 
lightened  friends  of  humanity. 

To  induce  the  men  who  now  govern  the  world 
to  adopt  thefe  ideas,  is  the  duty  of  thofe  who  now 

are  called  mobs  in  France  (during  the  revolution) 
will  join  with  me  in  opinion,  that  they  are  by  no 
means  to  be  compared  with  Englifh  mobs,  in  point 
of  indifcriminate  ferocity  and  private  plunder.  A 
popular  commotioij  in  Paris  was  uniformly  directed 
to  a  certain  well-explained  object  ;  from  which  it 
never  was  known  to  deviate.  Whether  this  object 
were  to  hang  a  man,  to-arreft  the  king,  to  intimidate 
the  court,  or  to  break  the  furniture  of  a  hotel,  all 
other  perfons  and  all  other  property,,  that  fell  in  the 
way  of  the  mob,  were  perfectly  fafe* 

The  truth  is,  thofe  collections  were  compofed  of 
honed  and  induilrious  people,  who  had  nothing  in 
view  but  the  public  good.  They  belitved  that  the 
caufe  of  their  country  required  an  execution  of  juf- 
tice  more  prompt  than  could  be  expe&ed  from  any 
eflablifhed  tribunal.  Befides,  they  were  in  the 
crifis  of  a  revolution,  when  they  were  fenfible,  that 
the  crimes  of  their  enemies  would  remain  unpunifh- 
ed5  for  want  of  a  known  rule  by  which  they  could 
be  judged.  Though  a  violation  of  right ,  is  not 
always  a  violation  of  law  ;  yet,  in  their  opinion, 
occaiions  might  exift,  when  it  would  be  dangerous 
to  let  it  pafs  with  impunity. 

It  is  indeed  to  be  hoped,  that  whenever  mobs  in 
ether  countries  (hall  be  animated  by  the  fame  caufe, 
they  will  conduct  themfelves  with  the  fame  dignity  j 
and  that  this  fingular  phenomenon  will  be  found  not 
altogether  attributable  to  national  character* 


INTRODUCTION.  IX 


poiTefs  them.  I  confefs  the  tafk,  at  firft  view,  ap 
pears  more  than  Herculean  ;  it  will  be  thought  an 
obje6l  from  which  the  eloquence  of  the  clofet  mud 
fhrink  in  defpair,  and  which  prudence  would  leave 
to  the  more  powerful  arguments  of  events.  But  I 
believe  at  the  fame  time  that  fome  fuccefs  may  be 
expeded  ;  that  though  the  harveft  be  great,  the 
labourers  may  not  be  few  ;  that  prejudce  and  in- 
tereft  cannot  always  be  relied  on  to  garrifon  the 
mind  againft  the  affaults  of  truth.  This  belief, 
ill-grounded  as  it  may  appear,  is  fufficient  to  ani 
mate  me  in  the  caufe  ;  and  to  the  venerable  hoft  of 
republican  writers,  who  have  preceeded  me  in  the 
difcuflions  occafiened  by  the  French  revolution, 
this  belief  is  my  only  apology  for  offering  to  join 
the  fraternity,  and  for  thus  pra&ically  declaring 
my  opinion,  that  they  have  not  exhaufted  the  fub- 


Two  very  powerful  weapons,  the  force  of  rea- 
fon  and  the  force  of  numbers,  are  in  the  hands  of 
the  political  reformers.  While  the  ufe  of  the  firft 
brings  into  action  the  fecond,  and  enfures  its  co 
operation,  it  remains  a  facred  duty,  impofed  on 
them  by  the  God  of  reafon  to  wield  with  dexterity 
this  mild  and  beneficent  weapon,  before  recurring 
to  the  ufe  of  the  other  j  which,  though  legitimate, 
may  be  lefs  harmlefs  ;  though  infallible  in  opera 
tion,  may  be  lefs  glorious  in  victory. 

The  tyrannies  of  the  world,  whatever  be  the  ap 
pellation  of  the  government  under  which  they  are 
exercifed,  are  all  ariftocratical  tyrannies.  An  or 
dinance  to  plunder  and  murder,  whether  it  fulmi 
nate  from  the  Vatican,  or  (teal  filently  forth  from 
the  Harem  ;  whether  it  come  clothed  in  the  certain' 
fclence  of  a  Bed  of  Juftice,  or  in  the  legal  folemni- 
ties  of  a  bench  of  lawyers  ;  whether  it  be  purcha- 


INTRODUCTION. 


fed  by  the  careffes  of  a  woman,  or  the  treafures  of 
a  nation  ; — never  confines  its  effe&s  to  the  benefit 
of  a  Tingle  individual  ;  it  goes  to  enrich  the  whole 
combination  of  confpirators,  whofe  bnfinefs  it  is  to 
dupe  and  to  govern  the  nation.  It  carries  its  own 
bribery  with  itfclf  through  all  its  progrefs  and  con 
nexions, — in  its  origination,  in  its  enadion,  in  its 
vindication,  in  its  execution  ;  it  is  a  fertilizing 
ftream,  that  waters  and  vivifies  its  happy  plants  in 
the  numerous  channels  of  its  communication.  Mi- 
nifters  and  fecretaries,  commanders  of  armies, 
contra&ors,  collectors  and  tide-waiters,  intendants, 
judges  and  lawyers, — whoever  is  permitted  to 
drink  of  the  falutary  ftream, — are  all  interefted  in 
removing  the  obftrudtionsand  in  praiflng  the  foun 
tain  from  which  it  flows. 

The  ftate  of  human  nature  requires  that  this 
fhouid  be  the  cafe.  Among  beings  fo  nearly  equal 
in  power  and  capacity  as  men  of  the  fame  commu 
nity  are,  it  is  impofiible  that  a  folitary  tyrant  fhould 
exift.  Laws  that  are  defigned  to  operate  unequal 
ly  on  fociety,  muft  offer  an  exclusive  intereft  to  a 
confiderable  portion  of  its  members,  to  enfure 
their  execution  upon  the  reft.  Hence  has  arifen 
the  neceflity  of  that  Orange  complication  in  the 
governing  power,  which  has  made  of  politics  an 
inexplicable  fcience  ;  hence  the  reafon  for  arming 
one  clafs  of  our  fellow  creatures  with  the  weapons 
of  bodily  deftruftion,  and  another  with  the  myfte- 
rious  artillery  of  the  vengeance  of  heaven;  hence 
thecaufe  of  what  in  England  is  called  the  indepen 
dence  of  the  judges,  and  what  on  the  continent  has 
created  a  judiciary  nobility,  a  fet  of  men  who  pur- 
chafe  the  privilege  of  being  the  profeflional  ene 
mies  of  the  people,  of  felling  their  decifions  to  the 
rich',  and  of  diftributing  individual  oppreflion  ;_ 


INTRODUCTION.  Xi 

nence  the  fource  of  thofe  Draconian  codes  of  cri 
minal  jurifpruclence  which  enfhrine  the  idol  pro 
perty  in  a  bloody  fancluary*  and  teach  the  modern 
European,  that  his  life  is  of  lefs  value  than  the 
fhoes  on  his  feet ;  hence  the  pofitive  difcourage- 
ments  laid  upon  agriculture,  manufacture,  com 
merce,  and  every  method  of  improving  the  condi 
tion  of  men  ;  for  it  is  to  be  obferved,  that  in  every 
country  the  lhackles  impcfed  upon  induflry  are  in 
proportion  to  the  degree  of  general  defpotifm  that 
reigns  ki  the  government.  This  arifes  not  only 
from  the  greater  debility  and  want  of  enterprise 
in  the  people,  but  from  the  fuperior  neceffity  that 
fuch  governments  are  under,  to  prevent  their  fub- 
jedls  from  acquiring  that  eafe  and  information,  by 
which  they  could  difcern  the  evil  and  apply  the 
remedy. 

To  the  fame  fruitful  fource  of  calamities  we 
are  to  trace  that  perverfity  of  reafon,  which,  in 
governments  where  men  are  permitted  to  difcufs 
political  fubjecls,  has  given  rife  to  thofe  perpetual 
fhifts  of  fophift.ry,by  which  they  vindicate  the  pre 
rogative  of  kings.  In  one  age  it  is  the  right  of 
conqueft,  in  another  the  divine  right,  then  it  comes 
to  be  a  compact  between  king  and  people ,  and  laft  of 
all,  it  is  faid  to  be  founded  on  general  convenience, 
the  good  of  the  whole  community.  In  England  thefe 
feveral  arguments  have  all  had  their  day  ;  though 
it  is  aftonifhing  that  the  two  former  could  ever 
have  been  thetfubje6ts  of  rational  debate:  the  firil 
is  the  logic  of  the  miifquet,  and  the  fecond  of  the 
chalice  ;  the  one  was  buried  at  Rennimede  on  the 
Signature  of  Magna  Charta,  the  other  took  its 
flight  to  the  continent  wiih  James  the  Second. 
The  compact  of  king  and  people  has  lain  dor- 


XU  -INTRODUCTION. 

mant  the  greater  part  of  the  prcfent  century  ;  till 
it  was  roufed  from  {lumber  by  the  French  revo 
lution,  and  came  into  the  ferviceof  Mr.  Burke. 

Hafty  men  difcover  their  errors  when  it  is  too 
late.  It  had  certainly  been  much  more  confiftent 
with  the  temperament  of  that  writer's  mind,  and 
quite  as  ferviceable  to  his  caufe,  to  have  recalled 
the  fugitive  claim  of  the  divine  right  of  kings.  It 
would  have  given  a  myftic  force  to  his  declama 
tion,  afforded  him  many-new  epithets,  and  furnifh- 
ed  fubje&s  perfedly  accordant  with  the  copious 
charges  ufJ&criJege,  atheifm,  murders-)  affajjlnations^ 
rapes  and  plunders  with  which  his  three  volumes 
abound.*  He  then  could  not  have  difappointed 
his  friends  by  his  total  want  of  argument,  as  he 
now  does  in  his  two  firft  effays  ;  for  on  fuch  a  Tub- 
ject  no  argument  could  be  expefted  ;  and  in  his 
third,  where  it  is  patiently  attempted,  he  would 
have  avoided  the  neceffity  of  fh owing  that  he  has 
none,  by  giving  a  different  title  to  his  book  ;  far 
the  "  Appeal,3'  inftead  of  being  "  from  the  New 
to  the  Old  Whigs,"  would  have  been  from  the  new 
whigs  to  the  old  tones  ;  and  he  might  as  well  have 
appealed  toCasfar  ;  he  could  have  found  at  this  day 
no  court  to  take  cognizance  of  his  caufe. 

But  the  great  advantage  of  this  mode  of  handling 
the  fubjeft  would  have  been,  that  it  could  have 
provoked  no  anfwers  ;  the  gauntlet  might  have 
been  thrown,  without  a  champion  to  have  taken  it 
up;  and  the  laft  folitary  admirer  of  chivalry  have 
retired  in  negative  triumph  from  the  field. 

*  Thefe  three  works  are,  his  'Reflections  on  the 
Revolution  in  France,  his  Letter  to  a  Member  of  the 
National  AJfembly^  and  his  Appeal  jrom  the  New  to 
tlie  Old  Whigs. 


INTRODUCTION-.  Xlli 

Mr.  Burke,  however,  in  his  defence  of  royalty, 
does  not  rely  on  this  argument  .of  the  compact. 
Whether  it  be,  that  he  is  confcious  of  its  futility, 
or  that  in  his  rage  he  forgets  that  he  has  ufed  it, 
he  is  perpetually  recurring  to  the  laft  ground  that 
has  yet  been  heard  of,  on  which  we  are  called  up 
on  to  conlider  kings  even  as  a  tolerable  ntiifance, 
and  to  fupport  the  exifting  forms  of  government : 
this  ground  is  the  general  good  of  the  community.  It 
is  faid  to  be  dangerous  to  pull  down  fyftems  tha't 
are  already  formed,  or  even  to  attempt  to  improve 
them  ;  and  it  is  likewife  faid,  that,  were  they 
peaceably  deftroyed,  and  we  had  fociety  to  build 
up  anew,  it  would  be  beft  tQ  create  hereditary 
kings,  hereditary  orders,  andexclufive  privileges. 

Thefe  are  fober  opinions,  uniting  a  clafs  of  rea- 
foners  too  numerous  and  too  refpe6lable  to  be 
treated  with  contempt,  I  believe,  however,  that 
their  number  is  every  day  diminiiliiHg,  and  I  be 
lieve  the  example  which  France  will  foonbe  obli 
ged  to  exhibit  to  the  world  on  this  fubje6r,  will 
induce  every  man  to  reje£l  them,  who  is  not  per- 
fonally  and  exclufively  interested  in  their  fupport. 

The  inconfiftency  of  the  the  conftituent  afiem- 
bly,  in  retaining  an  hereditary  king,  armed  with 
an  enormous  civil  lift,  to  wage  war  with  a  popu 
lar  government,  has  induced  foine  perfons  to  prc- 
di6t  the  downfall  of  their  conftitution.  But  this 
meafure  had  a  different  origin  from  what  is  com 
monly  afligned  to  it,  and  will  probably  have  a  dif 
ferent  iiTue.  It  was  the  refult  rather  of  local  and 
temporary  circumftances,  than  of  amy  general  be 
lief  in  the  utility  of  kings,  under  any  modifica 
tions  or  limitations  that  could  be  attached  to  (lie 
office. 

B 


Xiv  INTRODUCTION. 

It  is  to  be  obfcrvcd,  frft,  that  the  French  had 
a  king  upon  their  hands.  This  king  had  always 
been  confidered  as  a  well-dtfpofed  man  ;  fo  that, 
by  a  fatality  fomewhat  fingular,  though  not  unex 
ampled  in  regal  biftory,  he  gained  the  love  of  the 
people,  alrnoit  in  proportion  to  the  mifchief  which 
he  did  them.  Secondly,  their  king  had  very  power 
ful  family  connexions,  in  the  fovc  reigns  of  Spain, 
Auftria,1  Naples  and  Sardinia  ;  befides  his  relations 
•within  the  kingdom,  whom  it  was  neceiTary  to  at 
tach,  if  poflible,  to  the  interefls  of  the  community, 
Thirdly y  the  revolution  was  confidered  by  all  Eu 
rope  as  a  high  and  dangerous  experiment.  It  was 
necefTarv  to  hide  as  much  as  poffible  the  appearance 
of  its  magnitude  from  the  eye  of  the  dillant  ob- 
fefver.  l"he  reformers  confidered  it  as  their  duty 
to  produce  an  internal  regeneration  of  fcciety, 
rather  than  an  external  change  in  the  appearance 
of  the  court  ;  t@  fet  in  order  the  counting- houfe 
and  the  kitchen,  before  arranging  the  drawing- 
room.  This  would  leave  the?  fovereigns  of  Eu 
rope  totally  without  a.  pretext  for  interfering; 
•while  it  would  be  corifoling  to  that  clafs  of  phi- 
lofophers,  who  fall  believed  in  the  compatibility 
of  royalty  and  liberty.-  iFettrMy,  this  decree, 
That  France  Jhould  have  a  king,  and  that  he-  could 
do  no  wrong)  was  paired  at  an  early  period  of  their 
operations  ;  when  the  above  reafons  were  appa 
rently  more  urgent  than  they  were  afterwards,  cr 
probably  will  ever  be  again. 

From  thefe  Con  fide  rat  ions  we  may  conclude, 
that  royalty  is  preferved  in  France  for  reaions 
which  are  fugitive  \  that  a  majory  of  the  confti- 
tuent  auernbly  did  not  believe  in  it,  as  an  'abftract 
principle;  that  a  majority  of  the  people  will  learn 


INTRODUCTION.  XV 

ro  be  difguefled  with  fo  unnatural  and  ponderous 
a  deformity  in  their  new  edifice,  and  will  foon 
hew  it  off. 

After  this  improvement  mall  have  been  made, 
a  few  years  experience  in  the  face  of  Europe,  and 
on  fo  great  a  theatre  as  that  of  France,  will  pro 
bably  leave  but  one  opinion  in  the  minds  of  honeft 
men,  relative  to  the  republican  principle,  or  the 
great  firnplicity  of  nature  applied  to  the  organiza 
tion  of  fociety. 

The  example  of  America  would  have  had  great 
weight  in  producing  this  conviclion  ;  but  it  is  too 
little  known  to  the  European  reafoner,  to  be  a 
fubjecl  of  accurate  inveftigation.  Befides  the  dif 
ference  of  circumftances  between  that  country  and 
the  flates  of  Europe  has  given  occafion  for  imagi 
ning  many  cuftinclions  which  exift  not  in  fact,  and 
has  prevented  the  application  of  principles  which 
are  permanently  founded  in  nature,  and  follow  not 
the  trilling  variations  in  the  ilate  of  fociety. 

But  I  have  not  prefcribed  to  rnyfelf*  the  tafk  of 
entering  into  arguments  on  the  utility  of  kin^?, 
or  of  inveftigating  the  meaning  of  Mr.  Burke,  in 
order  to  compliment  him  with  an  additional  refu 
tation.  My  fubje£t  furnifhes  a  more  extenfive  fcepe. 
It  depends  not  on  me,  or  Mr.  Burke,  or  any 
other  writer,  or  defcription  of  writers,  to  deter 
mine  the  quefiion,  whether  a  change  of  govern 
ment  mall  take  place,  and  extend  through  Europe. 
It  depends  on  a  much  moreimportant  clafs  of  men, 
the  clafs  that  cannot  write  ;  and  in  a  great  mea- 
fure,  on  thofe  who  cannnot  read.  It  is  to  be  de 
cided  by  men  who  reafon  better  without  books, 
than  we  do  with  all  the  books  in  the  world.  Ta- 
B  2 


INTRODUCTION. 


Icing  it  for  granted,  therefore,  that  a  general  re 
volution  is  at  hand,  wfiofe  progrefs  is  irrefiftablc, 
any  object  is  to  contemplate  its  probable  effects, 
and  to  comfort  thofe  who  are  afflicted  at  the  prof- 
peel. 


^ — A  miilake  has  been  committed  in  heading 
the  firft  part  of  this  work,  page  3  ;  it  fliould 
read  thus  :— Advice  to  tht  Privileged  Orders  in  the 
jfeveral  States  of  Europe,  rejulting  from  the  ntctjjiiy 
and  propriety  of  a  general  revolution  in  the  princi 
ples  of  government.  Editor. 


CHAP.     I. 


FEUDAL     SYSTEM. 


JL  HE  moft  prominent  feature  in^the  moral  face 
of  Europe,  was  imprinted  upon  it  by  conqueft. 
It  is  the  refult  of  the  fubordination  neceflary  among 
military  favages,  on  their  becoming  cultivators  of 
the  foil  which  they  had  defolated,  and  making  an 
advantageous,  ufe  of  fuch  of  the  inhabitants  as 
they  did  not  choofe  to  malTacre,  and  could  not  fell 
to  foreigners  for  flaves. 

The  relation  thus  eftablifhed  between  the  offi 
cers  and  the  foldiers,bet  ween  the  viclors  and  the  van- 
quifhed,  and  between  them  all  and  the  lands  which 
they  were  to  cultivate,  modified  by  the  experience 
of  unlettered  ages,  has  obtained  the  name  oft  the 
Feudal  Syftem,  and  may  be  confidered  as  the  foun 
dation  of  all  the  political  inftitutions  in  this  quar 
ter  of  the  world.  The  claims  refulting  to  parti 
cular  clafles  of  men,  under  this  modification  of 
ibciety,  are  called  Feudal  Rights  j  and  to  the  in 
dividual  poitefibrs  they  arc  either  nominal  or  reaK 
conveying  an  empty  title  or  a  fubftantial  profit. 

My  intention  is  not  to  enter  on  the  details  of 

this  fyftem,  as  a  lawyer,  or  to  trace  its  progrefs 

with   the  accuracy  of  an   hiftorian,  and   ihow  ifs 

peculiar   fitnefs  to  the  rude  ages  of  fociety  which 

B  3 


l8  ADVICE    TO    THE 

gave  it  birth.  But,  viewing  it  as  an  ancient  edi 
fice,  whofe  foundation,  worn  away  by  the  current 
of 'eventSj  can  no  longer  fupport  its  weight,  I 
would  fketch  a'fevv  drawings  to  fhow  the  ftile  of 
its  architecture,  and  Compare  it  with  the  model  of 
the  nevir  bui'cino  to  be  creeled  in  its  place. 

The  pbihfophy  of  the  Feudal  Syftem,  is  all  that 
remains  of  it  worthy  of  our  contemplation.  This 
J  will  attempt  to  trace  in  fome  of  its  leading  points, 
leaving  the  practical  part  to  fall,  with  its  ancient 
founders  and  its  modern  admirers,  into  the  peace^- 
ful  gulph  of  oblivion  j  to  which  I  wifh  it  a  fpee- 
dy  and  an  unobftructed  paflage. 

The  original  object  of  this  inftitution  was  un 
doubtedly,  what  it  was  alleged  to  be,  the  prefer- 
vation  of  turbulent  focieties,  in  which  men  are 
held  together  but  by  feeble  ties ;  and  it  effected 
its  purpofe  by  uniting  the  perfonal  intereft  of  the 
head  of  each  family,  with  the  perpetual  fafety  cf 
the  ilate.  Thus  far  the  purpofe  was  laudable, 
and  the  means  extremely  well  calculated  for  the 
end.  But  it  was  the  fortune  of  this  fyftem  to 
attach  itfelf  to  thofe  paflions  of  human  nature 
which  vary  not  with  the  change  of  circumftances* 
While  national  motives  ceafed  by  degrees  to  re 
quire  its  continuance,  family  motives  forbade  to 
lay  it  afide.  The  fame  progreffrve  improvements 
in  fociety,  which  rendered  military  tenures  and 
military  titles  firft  unneceffary  and  then  injurious 
to  the  general  intereft,  at  the  fame  time  fharpen- 
ed  the  avarice,  and  piqued  the  honour  of  thofs 
who  pofleflld  them,  to  preferve  the  exchifive  pri 
vileges  which  rendered  them  thus  diltinguifhed; 
And  thefe  privileges,  united  with  the  operations 
of  the  church,  have  founded  and  fupported  the 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  19 


defpotifms  of  Europe  in  all  their  divifions,  com 
binations,  and  refinements. 

Feudal  Rights  are  either  territorial  or  perfonal. 
I  fhall  divide  them  into  thefe  two  clafies,  for  the 
fake  of  beftowing  a  few  obfer  various  upon  each. 

The  pernicious  effects  of  the  fyftem  on  territo 
rial  tenures  are  inconceivable,  various  and  great. 
In  a  legal  view,  it  has  led  to  thofe  intricacies  and 
vexations,  which  we  find  attached  to  every  cir- 
cumftance  of  real  property,  which  have  perplex 
ed  the  fcience  of  civil  jurifprudence,  which  have 
perpetuated  the  ignorance  of  the  people  relative 
to  the  adminiftration  of  juftice,  rendered  neceffary 
the  intervention  of  lawyers,  and  multiplied  the 
means  of  opprellion.  But,  in  a  political  view,  its 
confequences  are  ftill  more  ferious,  and  demand 
a  particular  confederation. 

The  firft  quality  of  the  feudal  tenure  is  to  con 
fine  the  defcendible  property  to  the  eldefl  male 
JJJue.  To  fay  that  this  is  contrary  to  nature,  is 
but  a  feeble  cxpreflion.  So  abominable  is  its  ope 
ration,  that  it  has  feduced  and  perverted  nature  ; 
her  voice  is  ftifled,  intereft  itfelf  is  laid  afleep,  and 
nothing  but  the  eloquence  of  an  incomprehenfible 
pride  is  heard  on  the  occafion.  You  will  hear 
father  and  mother,  younger  brothers  and  fillers, 
rejoice  in  this  provifion  of  the  law  ;  the  former 
configning  their  daughters  to  the  gloomy  prifon  of 
a  convent,  and  their  younger  fons  to  the  church  or 
the  army,  to  enfure  their  celibacy  ;  that  no  rem 
nant  cf  the  family  may  remain  but  the  heir  of  the 
eflate  entire  ;  the  latter  congratulating  each  other, 
that  the  elder  brother  will  tranfmit  unimpaired 
the  title  and  the  property,  while  they  themfelves  are 
content  to  periili  in  the  obfcurity  of  their  feveral 
deftinations,  Itis  probable  that,  in  another  2ge? 


20  ADVICE    TO    THE 

a  tale  of  this  kind  will  fcarcely  gain  credit,  and 
that  the  tear  of  fenfibility  may  be  fpared  by  a 
difbelief  of  the  fa£t.  It  is,  however,  no  creature 
of  the  imagination  ;  it  happened  every  day  in 
France  previous  to  the  revolution  ;  I  have  feen 
it  with  my  own  eyes,  and  heard  it  with  my  own 
ears  ;  it  is  now  to  be  feen  and  heard  in  moft  other 
Catholic  countries. 

But  other  points  of  view  fliow  this  difpofition 
of  the  law  to  be  ftill  more  reprehenfible  in  the  eye 
of  political  philofophy.  It  fv/ells  the  inequality 
of  wealth,  which,  even  in  the  beft  regulated  focie- 
ty,  is  but  too  confiderable  ;  it  habituates  the  peo 
ple  to- believe  in  an  unnatural  inequality  in  the 
rights  of  meny  and  by  thefe  means  prepares  them 
for  fervility  and  oppreflion  ;  it  prevents  the  im 
provement  of  lands,  and  impedes  the  progrefs  of 
induftry  and  cultivation,  which  are  beft  promoted 
on  fmall  efiates,  where  proprietors  cultivate  for 
themfelves  ;  it  difcourages  population,  by  indu 
cing  to  a  life  of  celibacy.: — But  I  (hall  fpeak  of 
celibacy  when  I  fpeak  of  the  church. 

Whether  men  are  born  to  govern,  or  to  obey,, 
or  to  enj.oy  equal  liberty,  depends  not  on  the  ori 
ginal  capacity  of  the  mind,  but  on  the  ivftinft  of 
analogy,  or  the  habit  of  thinking.  When  children 
of  the  fame  family  are  taught  to  believe  in  the  un 
conquerable  diftindtions  of  birth  among  them 
felves,  they  are  completely  fitted  for  a  feudal  go 
vernment  ;  becaufe  their  minds  are  familiarifed 
with  all  the  gradations  and  degradations  that  fuch 
a  government  requires.  The  birth-right  of  domi 
neering  is  not  more  readily  claimed  on  the  one 
hand,  than  it  is  acknowledged  on  the  other  ;  and 
the  Jamaica  planter  is  not  more  habitually  con- 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  2T 

vinced  that  an  European  isfuperior  loan  African, 
than  he  is  that  a  Lord  is  better  than  himfclf. 

This  fubjecl:  deferves  fo  be  placed  in  a  light, 
in  which  no  writer,  as  far  as  I  know,  has  yet 
confidered  it.  When  a  perfon  was  repeating  to 
Fontenelle  the  common  adage  habit  is  the  fccond 
nature,  the  philofopher  replied,  and  do  me  the.  fa 
vour  to  tell  me  which  is  the  firft.  When  we  affert 
that  nature  has  eftablifhed  inequalities  among  men, 
and  has  thus  given  to  forne  the  right  of  governing 
others,  or  when  we  maintain  the  contrary  of  this 
pofition,  we  mould  be  careful  to  define  what  fort 
of  nature  we  mean,  whether  the  firft  or  fecond 
nature  ;  or  whether  we  mean  that  there  is  but  one; 
A  mere  favage,  Colocolo*  for  inftance,  would 
decide  the  queftion  of  equality  by  a  trial  of  bodi 
ly  ftrength,  dcfignating  the  man  that  could  lift 
the  heavieft  beam  to  be  the  legiilator  ;  and  imlefs 
all  men  could  lift  the  fame  beam,  they  could  not 
be  equal  in  their  rights.  Ariftotle  would  give 
the  preference  to  him  that  excelled  in  mental  ca 
pacity.  Ulyfles  would  make  the  decifion  upon  a 
compound  ratio  of  bnth.  But  there  appears  to 
me  another  ftep  in  this  ladder,  and, that  the  batit 
of  thinking  is  the  only  fafe  and  univrerfal  criterion 
to  which,  in  practice,  the  queftion  can  be  refer 
red.  Indeed,  when  interefl  is  laid  afide,  it  is  the 
only  one  to  which,  in  civilized  ages,  it  ever  is 
referred.  We  never  fubmit  fo  a  King,  becaufe 
he  is  ftronger  than  we  in  bodily  force,  nor  becaufe 
he  is  fuperior  in  understanding  or  in  information ; 
but  becaufe  we  believe-  him  born  to  govern,  or 
at  lead,  becaufe  a  majority  of  the  fociety  believes 
it. 

*   See  the  Araucana  of  Ercilla. 


22  ADVICE    TO    THE 

This  habit  of  thinking  has  fo  much  of  nature  in 
If,  it  is  fo  undlftingmfhable  from  .the  indelible 
marks  of  the  man,  tha-  it  is  a  perfectly  fafe  foun 
dation  for  any  fyikm  tlut  we  may  choofe  to  build 
noon  ic  ;  indeed  it  is  the  cniy  foundation,  for  it  is 
tlie  only  point  of  contact  by  which  men  cornmu- 
nica,te  as  moral  aflbcbtcs.  As  a  practical  pofitiorr 
therefore,  and  as  relating  to  almoil:  all  places  and 
almoft  all  times,  in  which  the  experiment  has 
yet  been  made,  Ariltotle  was  as  right  in  teaching, 
That  forne  are  birn  to  eommtindj  and  6tbcrs  to  be 
commanded,  as  the  National  AiTembly  was  in  de 
claring,  That  men  are  born  and  always  continue  free 
and  equal  in  refpett  to  their  rights.  The  latter  is 
as  apparently  falfe  in  the  diet  of  Ratiibcn,  as  the 
former  is  in  the  hall  of  the  Jacobins. 

Abil'raclly  confidered,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
of  the  unchangeable  truth  of  the  afTembly's  de 
claration  ;  and'ttey  have  taken  the  right  method 
to  make  it  a  praBlcal  truth,  by  publifliing  it  to 
the  world  for  difcuflion.  A  general  belief  that  it 
is  a  truth r  makes  it  at  once  practical,  confirms  it 
in  me  nation,  and  extends  it  to  others. 

A  due  attention  to  the  aflonifhing  effects  that 
are  wrought  in  the  world  by  the  habit  of  thinking? 
will  ferve  many  valuable  purpofes.  I  cannot 
therefore  difmifs  :he  fubjeft  fo  foon  as  I  intended; 
but  will  mention  one  or  two  inftances  of  thefe 
effects,  and  leave  the  reflection  of  the  reader  to 
make  the  application  to  a  thoufand  others. 

Firft,  Ir  is  evident  that  all  the  arbitrary  fyftems 
in  the  world  are  founded  and  fupported  on  thisy^- 
cond  nature  of  man,  in  counteraction  of  the^r/?. 
Syftems  which  diftprt  and  crufn  and  fubjugate 
every  thing  that  we  can  fuppofe  original  and  cha- 
racleridic  in  man,  as  an  uncliitorted  being.  It 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  £3 

fuftains  the  mcft  abfurd  and  abominable  theories 
of  religion,  and  honours  them  with  as  many  mar 
tyrs  as  it  does  thofe  that  are  the  mod  peaceful  and 
beneficent. 

But  fecondly,  we  find  for  our  confolaiion,  that  it 
will  likewife  fupport  fyfletns  of  equal  liberty  and 
national  happinefs.  In  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica,  the  fcience  of  liberty  is  univerfaliy  under- 
flood,  felt,  and  practifed,  as  much  by  the  fimple 
as  the  wife,  the  weak  as  the  flropg.  Their  deep- 
rooted  and  inveterate  habit  of  thinking  is,  that 
all  men  are  equal  in  their  rights,  that  /'/  is  impojjlble 
to  make  them  otherwtfe  ;  and  this  being  their  tm- 
diflurbcd  belief,  they  have  no  conception  how  any 
man  in  his  fenfes  can  entertain  any  other.  This 
point  once  fettled,  every  thing  is  fettled.  Many 
operations,  which  in  Europe  have  been  confidereJ 
as  incredible  tales  or  dangerous  experiments,  arc 
but  the  infallible  confequences  of  this  great  prin 
ciple.  The  firft  of  thefe  operations  is  the  bitfinefs 
of  eleftiony  which,  with  that  people,  is  carried  on 
with  as  much  gravity  as  their  daily  labour.  There 
is  no  jealouiy  on  the  occafion,  nothing  lucrative  in 
office  ;  any  man  in  fociety  may  attain  to  any  place 
in  the  government,  and  may  exercife  its  functions. 
They  believe  that  there  is  nothing  more  difficult 
in  the  manag /.nent  of  the  affairs  of  a  nation,  than 
the  affairs  of  a  family  ;  that  it  only  requires  more- 
hands.  They  believe  that  it  is  the  juggle  of  keep 
ing  up  irr.pofitions  to  blind  the  .eye?  of  the  vul 
gar,  that  conftitutes  the  intricacy  of  (late.  Banilh 
the  myfticifm  of  inequality,  and  you  baniGi  ahnoit 
all  the  evils  attendant  on  human  nature. 

The  people,  being  habituated  to  the  election 
of  all  kinds  of  officers,  the  magnitude  of  the  office 
mdkes  no  difficulty  ia  the  cafe.  The  pr 


ADVICE    TO    THE 


the  United  States,  who  has  more  power  while  ia 
office  than  Tome  of  the  kings  of  Europe,  is  chofen 
tvith  as  little  commotion  as  a  churchwarden. 
There  is  a  public  fervice  to  be  performed,  and  the 
people  fay  who  mall  do  'it.  The  fervarit  feels 
honoured  with  the  confidence  repofed  in  him,  and 
generally  exprefles  his  gratitude  by  a  faithful 
performance. 

Another  of  thefe  operations  is  making  every 
citizen  a  foldier,  and  every  foldier  a  citizen  ;  not 
only  -permitting  every  man  to  arm,  but  obliging 
him  to  arm.  This  fact,  told  in  Europe,  previous 
to  the  French  revolution,  would  have  gained  lit 
tle  credit  ;  or  at  lead  it  would  have  been  regarded 
as  a  mark  of  an  uncivilized  people,  extremely 
dangerous  to  a  well  ordered  fociety.  Men  who 
build  fy (terns  on  an  inverfion  of  nature,  are 
-obliged  to  invert  every  thing  that  is  to  make  part 
of  that  fyitem.  It  is  becaufe  the  people  are  civili 
zed  y  that  tbey  are  with  fnfety  armed.  It  is  an  ef 
fect  of  their  confcious  dignity,  as  citizens  enjoy 
ing  equal  rights,  that  they  wilh  not  to  invade  the 
rights  of  others.  The  danger  (where  there  is 
any)  from  armed  citizens,  is  only  to  the  govern 
ment,  not  to  \\\c  fociety  ;  and  as  long  as  they  have 
nothing  to  revenge  in  the  government  (which  they 
cannot  have  while  it  is  in  their  own  hands)  there 
are  many  advantages  in  their  being  accuftomed 
to  the  ufe  of  arms,  and  no  pofiible  difad  vantage. 

Power  y  habitually  in  the  hands  of  a  whole 
community?  lofes  all  the  ordinary  aiTociated  ideas 
of  power.  The  exercife  of  power  is  a  relative 
term  ;  it  fuppofes  an  oppoiition, — founething  to 
•operate  upon.  We  perceive  no  exertion  of  power 
in  the  motion  of  the  planetary  fyftem,  but  a  very 
/trong  one  in  the  movement  of  a  whirlwind,-!'  is 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  25 

becaule  we  fee  obllru&ions  to  the  latter,  but  none 
to  the  former.  Where  the  government  is  net  in 
the  hands  of  the  people,  there  you  find  oppofition, 
you  perceive  two  contending  interefts,  and  get  an 
idea  of  the  exercife  of  power  ;  and  whether  this 
power  be  in  the  hands  of  the  government  or  of 
the  people,  or  whether  it  change  -from  ikle  to 
ikie,  it  is  always  to  be  dreaded.  But  the  word 
people,  in  America,  has  a  different  meaning  from 
what  it  has  in  Europe.  It  there  mean*  the  whole 
community,  and  comprehends  every  human  crea 
ture  ;  here  it  means  fomething  elfe,  more  diffi 
cult  to  define. 

Another  confequence  of  the  habitual  idea  of 
-equality,  is  ihefecilify  of  changing  tie  Jlrufture  cf 
their  government,  whenever,  and  as  often  as  the  fo- 
ciety  fhall  think  there  is  any  thing  in  it  to  amend. 
As  Mr.  Burke  has  written  no  "  reflections  on  the 
"  revolution"  in  America,  the  people  there  have 
never  yet  been  told  that  they  have  no  right  <l  to 
i(  frame  a  government  for  themfelves  ;:)  they 
have  therefore  done  much  in  this  bufinefs,  with 
out  ever  affixing. to  it  the  idea  of  "  facrilege''  or 
<f  ufurpation/'  or  any  other  term  of  rant,  to  be 
found  in  that  gentleman's  vocabulary. 

Within  a  few  years  the  fifteen  dates  have  not 
only  framed  each  its  own  flate  confiitution,  and 
two  fuccellive  federal  conftitut ions  ;  but  imce  the 
fettlement  of  the  prefent  general  government  ia 
the  year  1789,  three  of  the  ilates,  Pennfylvani.?, 
South- Carolina,  a»d  Georgia,  have  totally  new 
modelled  their  own.  And  ail  this  is  done  without 
the  lead  confulion  ;  the  operation  being  fcarcely 
known  beyond  the  limits  of  the  (late  where  it  is 
performed.  Thus  they  are  in  the  habit  of  <c  cbsof- 

c 


26  ADVICE    TO    THE 


ic  ing  their  own  governors /'  of  "  cajhierirrg  them 
"for  mifconduft^  of  "  framing  a  government  for 
"*themf elves,"  and  all  thole  abominable  things, 
the  mere  naming  of  which,  in  Mr.  Burke's  opi 
nion,  has  polluted  the  pulpit  in  the  Old  Jewry.* 

But  it  is  faid,  Thefe  things  will  do  very  well 
for  America,  where  the  people  are  lefs  numerous, 
lefs  indigent,  and  better  inftrucfced  ;  but  they  will 
not  apply  to  Europe.  This  objection  deferves  a 
reply,  not  becaufe  it  is  folid,  but  becaufe  it  is 
fafhionable.  It  may  be  anfvvered,  that  fome  parts 
of  Spain,  much  of  Poland,  and .  almoft  the  whole 
ofRuffia,  are  lefs  peopled  than  the  fettled  coun 
try  in  the  United  States  ;  that  poverty  and  igno 
rance  are  effefts  of  flavery  rather  than  its  caujcs  ; 
but  the  belt  anfwer  to  be  given,  is  the  example  of 
France.  To  die  event  of  that  revolution  I  will 
truft  the  argument.  Let  the  people  have  time  to 
become  thoroughly  and  foberly  grounded  in  the 
tlo&rine  of  equality,  and  there  is  no  danger  of  op- 
preflion  either  from  government  or  from  anarchy. 
Very  little  inftru&ion  is  necefTary  to  teach  a  man 
his  rights  ;  and  there  is  no  perfon  of  common  in 
tellects,  in  the  mod:  ignorant  corner  of  Europe, 
but  receives  lefTons  enough,  if  they  were  of  the 
proper  kind.  For  writing  and  reading  are  not  in- 
difpenfable  to  the  object  ,  it  is  thinking  right  which 
makes  them  a 61  ri«ht.  Every  child  is  taught  to 
repeat  about  fifty  Latin  prayers,  which  fet  up  the 
Pope,  the  Bilhop,  and  the  King,  as  the  trinity  of 
his  adoration  ;  he  is  taught  that  the  fviucrs  that 

*  See  Dr.  Price's  Sermon  preached  in  the  Old 
Jewry  before  the  Revolutionary  Society,  and  Mr. 
Burke's  abufivc  ftriclures  on  the  above  expre  {lions 
ufed  bv  the  Doclor. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  27 

l>ey  are  ordained  of  God,  and  therefore  the  foldier 
quartered  in  the  pariih  has  a  right  to  cut  his 
throat.  Half  this  inilru&ion,  upon  oppofite  prin 
ciples,  would  L^O  a  great  way  :  in  that  cafe  nature 
wo', id  be  a  (lifted,  while  here  ihe  is  counteracted. 
Engrave  it  on  the  heart  of  a  man,  that  all  men  are 
equal  in  rights,  and  that  {[^.government  is  their  own, 
and  then  perfuade  him  to  fell  his  crucifix  and  buy 
a  mufquet, — and  you  have  made  him  a  good 
citizen. 

Another  confeqticnce  of  a  fettled  belief  in  the 
equality  of  rights  is,  that  under  this  belief  there  is 
no  danger  from  anarchy.  This  word  has  likewife 
'acquired  a  different  meaning  in  America  from 
what  we  read  of  it  in  books.  In  Europe  it  means 
confuiion,  attended  with  mobs  and  carnage,  where 
the  innocent  perifli  with  the  guilty.  But  it  is 
very  different  where  a  country  is  ufed  to  a  repre- 
fentative  government,  though  it  mould  have  an 
interval  of  no  government  at  all.  Where  the  peo 
ple  at  large  feel  and  know  that  they  can  do  every 
thing  by  thernfelves  perfonally,  they  really  do  noth 
ing  by  themfelves  perfonally.  In  the  heat  of 
the  American  revolution,  when  the  people  in  feme 
ftates  were  for  a  long  time  without  the  leaft  fha- 
dow  of  law  or  government,  they  always  ailed  by 
committees  and  reprefentation.  This  they  mult 
call  anarchy,  for  they  know  no  other. 

Thefe  are  materials  for  the  formation  of  go 
vernments,  which  need  not  be  dreaded,  though 
disjointed  and  lahlafunder  to  make  fome  repairs. 
They  are  deep-rooted  habits  of  thinking,  which 
almoft  change  the  moral  nature  of  man  ;  they 
are  principles  as  much  unknown  to  the  ancient 
republics  as  to  the  modern  monarchies  of  Eu 
rope.  C  2 


28  ADVICE    TO    TK? 

We  muftnot  therefore  rely  upon  fyilems  drawn 
from  the  experimental  reafonings  of  Ariftotle, 
when  \ve  find  them  contradicted  by  \vhat  v.  e  feel 
to  be  the  eternal  truth  of  nature,  2nd  fee  them 
brought  to  the  ted  of  our  own  experience.  Arif 
totle  v/as  certainly  a  great  politician  ;  and  Clau 
dius  Ptolemy  \vas  a  great  geographer  ;  but  the 
latter  has  fa  id  not  a  word  of  America,  the  largeft 
quarter  of  the  globe  ;  nor  the  former,  of  repre- 
fentative  republics,  the  refource  of  afflf&ed  hu 
manity. 

Since  I  have  brought  thefe  two  great  luminaries 
of  fcience  fo  near  together,  I  will  keep  them  in 
company  a  moment  longer,  to  fliow  the  ftrange 
partiality  that  we  may  retain  for  one  fuperftuion 
after  having  laid  afide  another,  though  they  are 
built  on  fimilar  foundations.  Ptolemy  wrote  a 
fyftem  of  Aflronomy  ;  in  which  he  taught  among 
rather  things,  that  the  earth  was  the  centre  of  the 
univerfe,  and  that  the  heavenly  bodies  moved 
round  it.  This  fyftem  is  now  taught  (to  the  ex- 
clufion  by  sn  anathema  of  nil  others)  in  Turkey, 
Arabia,  Perfin,  Pale  Mine,  Egypt,  and  where  ever 
the  doclrinco  of  Mahomet  are  taught;  \vhile  at 
the  fame  time,  and  with  the  fame  reverence,  the 
politics  of  Ariftotle  are  taught  at  the  univerfity  of 
Oxford.  The  ground  which  fupports  the  one  is, 
that  the  fun  ftopt  its  courfe  at  the  command  of 
Jofhua,  which  it  could  not  have  done,  had  it  not 
been  in  motion  ;  and  the  other,  that  the  powers 
that  be,  ore  ordained  cf  God.  Mention  to  a  Muf- 
felman  xthe  Copernican  fyftem,  and  you  might  ss 
\vell  fpeak  to  Mr.  Burke  ?bout  the  rights  of  man ; 
they  both  call  you  an  atheift. — But  I  will  proceed 
•with  the  feudal  fyftem. 

The  next  quality  of  a  feudal  tenure  is  what  is 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS. 


commonly  called  on  the  Continent  the  right  of 
Jubftitution,  in  the  Englifh  law,  known  by  the 
name  of  entail.  Of  all  the  methods  that^  have 
yet  been  difcovered  to  prevent  men  from  enjoying 
the  advantages  that  nature  has  laid  before  them, 
this  is  the  moft  extraordinary,  and  in  many  ref- 
pecls  the  moft  effectual.  There  have  been  fuper- 
ilitions  entertained  by  many  nations  relative  to 
property  in  lands  ;  rendering  them  more  difficult 
of  alienation  than  any  other  poffeffions,  and  con- 
fequently  lefs  productive.  Such  were  the/wj  re 
trains  of  the  Romans,  the  family-right  of  re 
demption,  and  the  abfolute  reftoration  once  in 
fifty  years  among  the  Jews,  iimilar  regulations 
among  the  ancient  Egyptians,  and  laws  to  the 
fame  purpofe  under  the  government  of  the  Incas 
in  Peru. 

Thefe  were  all  calculated  to  perpetuate  family 
diftinc~lions,  and  to  temper  the  minds  of  men  to 
an  ariflocratical  fubordination.  But  none  of  them 
were  attended  with  the  barbarous  exclufion  of 
younger  brothers  ;  nor  had  they  the  prefumption 
to  put  it  into  the  power  of  a  dying  man,  wh<.\ 
could  not  regulate  the  difpolition  of  his  lanclals 
for  one  hour  after  his  death,  to  fay  to  all  mankind 
thenceforward  to  the  end  of  time,  "  Touch 
not  my  inheritance  !  -I  will  that  this  tracVof  coun 
try,  on  which  I  have  taken  my  pleaiure,  (hall 
remain. to  the  wild  beads  and  to  the  fowls  of  hea 
ven  ;  that  one  man  only  of  each  generation  ihall 
exift  upon  it ;  that  all  the  reft,  even  of  my  own 
pofterity,  fhall  be  driven  out  hence,  as  foon  as 
born  ;  and  that  the  inheritor  himfelf  fhall  not  in- 
creafe  his  enjoyments  by  alienating  a  part  to  ame 
liorate  the  reft." 


30  ADVICE    TO    THE 


There  might  have  been  individual  madmen,  in 
all  ages,  capable  of  exprejjing  a  defire  of  this  kind ; 
but  for  whole  nations,  for  many  centuries  toge 
ther,  to  agree  to  reverence  and  execute  fuch  hoftile 
teftaments  as  thefe,  comported  not  with  the  \vif- 
dom  of  the  ancients;  it  is  a  fuicide  of  fociety, 
referved  for  the  days  of  chivalry, — to  fupport  the 
governments  of  modern  Europe. 

Sir  Edward  Coke  mould  have  fpared  his  pane 
gyric  en  the  parliament  of  Edward  the  firft,  as 
the  fathers  of  the  laws  of  entailments.  He 
quotes  with  fmgular  pleafure  the  words  of  Sir 
William  Herle,  who  informs  us,  that  "  King 
"  Edward  I.  was  the  wifeft  King  that  ever  was, 
"  and  they  we  re  fa ge  men,  who  made  this ftatute." 
Whatever  wifdom'there  is  in  the  ftatute,  is  of  an 
elder  growth.  It  is  a  plant  of  genuine  feudal 
extraftion,  brought  into  England  by  the  Normans 
or  Saxons,  or  feme  other  conquerors ;  and  though 
fettled  as  common  law,  it  began  to  be  difregarded 
snd  defpifed  by  the  judicial  tribunals,  as  a  fenfe 
of  good  policy  prevailed.  But  the  progrefs  of  li- 
jberality  was  arrefted  by  that  parliament,  and  the 
law  of  entailments  parted  into  the  ftatute  of  Weft- 
mi  nfter  the  fecond. 

Tliis  was  confidered  as  law  in  America,  previ 
ous  to  the  revolution.  But  that  epoch  of  light 
and  liberty  lias  freed  one  quarter  of  the  world 
from  this  miferable  appendage  of  Gothicifm  ; 
and  France  has  now  begun  to  break  the  fhackles 
from  another  quarter,  where  they  were  more 
ftrongly  rtvetted.  The  fimple  deftruSion  of  thefe 
two  laws,  of  ent ailment  and  primogeniture ,  if  yoii 
add.  to  it  the  freedom  of  the  prefs,  will  enfure  the 
continuance  of  liberty  in  any  country  where  it 
h  once  eftablifhecl. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  3! 

Other  territorial  right?,  peculiar  to  the  feudal 
tenure,  are  lefs  general  in  their  operation,  though 
almoft  infinite  in  their  number  and  variety.  Not 
a  current  of  water,  nor  a  mill-feat,  nor  a  fifh- 
pond,  nor  a  foreft,  nor  the  dividing  line  of  a 
village  or  a  farm,  but  gives  name  to  and  fupports 
lome  feigneurial  impofition ;  befides  the  number- 
lefs  claims  predicated  upon  all  the  poilible  actions 
and  ceremonies  that  pafs,  or  are  fuppofed  to  pafs, 
between  the  great  Lord  and  the  little  Lord,  and 
between  the  little  Lord  and  the  lefs  Lord,  and 
between  him  and  the  Lord  knows  whom.  The 
National  AHernbly,  in  one  decree,  fuppreiled 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  thefe  taxes  by 
name,  befides  a  general  fweeping  claufe  in  the 
acl,  which  perhaps  deftroyed  as  many  more,  the 
names  of  which  no  man  could  report. 

One  general  character  will  apply  to  all  thefe  im- 
pofitions  :  they  are  a  difcouragement  to  agricul 
ture,  an-embarrafiment  to  commerce,. — they  hu 
miliate  one  part  of  the  community,  fweil  the 
pride  of  the  other,  and  are  a  real  pecuniary  difad- 
vantage  to  both. 

But  it  is  time  to  pay  our  refpefts  to  rhofe  feu 
dal  claims  that  we  call  perfonaL  The  firrt  of  thefe 
is  allegiance, — in  its  genuine  Gothic  fenfe,  called 
perpetual  allegiance.  It  is  difficult  to  exprefs  a 
fuitable  contempt  for  this  idea,  without  defcend- 
ing  to  language  below  the  dignity  of  philofophy. 
On  the  firit  inveftiture  of  a  fief,  the  fuperior  Lord 
(fuppofing  he  had  any  right  to  it  hi-mfelfj  has 
doubtlefs  the  power  of  granting  it  on  whatever 
terms  the  vaflal  will  agree- to.  It  is  an  even  bar^ 
gain  between-  the  parties  ;  and  an  unchangeable 
allegiance  during  the  lives  of  thefe  parlies  may  be 
a. condition  of  it.  But  for  a  man  to  be  borx<\Q~. 


32  ADVICE    TO    THE 

fuch  an  allegiance  to  another  man,  is  to  have  an 
evil  ftar  indeed  ;  it  is  to  be  born  to  unchangeable 
llavery. 

A  nobleman  of  Venice,  at  ihis  moment,  can 
not  ftep  his  foot  over  the  limits  of  the  republic 
without  leave  from  the  Senate,  on  pain  of  for 
feiting  his  eftate.  Similar  laws  prevail  in  all 
feudal  countries,  where  revolutions  have  not  yet 
prevailed.  They  flee  before  the  fearching  eye  of 
liberty,  and  will  foon  flee  from  Europe. 

Hitherto  we  have  treated  of  claims,  whether 
perfonal  or  territorial,  that  are  confined  to  the 
elded  fons  of  families  ;  but  there  is  one  genuine 
feudal  claim,  which  "  fpreads  undivided"  to  all 
the  children,  runs  in  all  collateral  directions,  and 
extends  to  every  drop  of  noble  blood,  wherever 
found,  however  mixt  or  adulterated, — jt  is  the 
claim  of  idlencfs.  In  general  it  is  fuppofcd,  that 
all  indigent  noble  children  are  to  be  provided  for 
by  the  government.  But  alas  !  the  fwarm  is  too 
great  to  be  ealiiy  hived.  Though  the  army,  the 
navy,  and  the  church,  with  all  their  pofTIble  mul 
tiplication  of  places,  are  occupied  only  by  them, 
yet  their  number  becomes  fo  conhderable,  that 
many  remain  out  of  employment  and  deflitute  of 
the  means  of  fu  [sport. 

In  contemplating  the  peculiar  deftiny  of  this 
defcription  of  men,  we  cannot  but  feel  a  mixture 
of  emotions,  in  which  companion  gets  the  better 
of  contempt.  In  addition  to  the  misfortunes  in 
cident  to  other  clafles  of  fociety,  their  noble  birth 
has  entailed  upon  them  a  fmgular  curfe  ;  it  has 
interdicted  them  every  kind  of  bufmefs  or  occu 
pation,  even  for  procuring  the  neceifaries  of  life, 
Other  men  may  be  found  who  have  been  deprived 
of  their  juft  inheritance  by  the  barbarous  laws  of . 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  ?^ 

defoent,  who  may  have  been  »egle£ted  in  youth 
and  not  educated  to  bun  fiefs,  or  who  by  averfioii 
to  SndUilry  are  rendered  incapable  of  any  ufefuf 
employment  ;  but  none  but  the  offspring  of  a  no 
ble  family  can  experience  the  fuperaddtd  fatality 
of  being  told,  that  to  put  hi-5  baud  to4.be  plough, 
or  bis  foot  i-nto  a  counting  houfe,  would  difgrace 
an  iliuftfious  line  of  ancclrors,  and  wither  a  tree 
cf  genealogy,  which  takes  its  root  in  a  groom  of 
fome  fortunate  robber,  who  perhaps  was  an  arch 
er  cf  Charlemagne. 

Every  capital  in  Europe,  if  you  except  Lon 
don,  throngs  with  this  miferable  clafs  of  nobleile, 
who  are  really  and  literally  tormented  between 
their  pride  and  their  poverty.  Indeed,  fuch  i> 
the  prepoflercus  tyranny  of  cuflom,  that  thofc 
\vho  are  rich,  and  take  the  lead  in  focicty,  have 
the  cruelty  to  make  idlenejs  a  criterion  of  noblrffs* 
A  proof  of  inoccupation  is  a  ticket  of  admiilion 
into  their  houfes,  and  an  indifpcnfible  badge  of 
welcome  to  their  parties. 

But  in  France  their  b/»nds  are  at  laft  untied  ; 
the  charm  is  broken,  and  the  feudal  fyftem,  with 
all  its  infamous  idolatries,  has  fallen  to  the 
ground.  Honour  is  reftored  to  the  heart  of  man, 
in  (lead  of  being  fufpended  from  his  button-hole  ; 
end  ufeful  induitry  give?  a  title  to  refpedl.  The 
men  who  were  formerly  Dukes  and  Marquiilcs, 
are  now  exalted  to  farmers,  manufacturers  and 
merchants  ;  the  riling  generation  among  all  claf- 
fes  of  people  are  forming  their  maxims  on  a  jult 
eftimate  of  things  ;  and  fodety  is  extracting  the 
poifoned  dagger  which  conqueit  had  planted  in 
her  vitals, 


C  H  A  P.     II. 


T  EEC  II  U  R  C  H. 


it  would  have  benn  imnoiTible  for  the 
feudal  fyltem,  with  all  its  powers  of  inverfion, 
to  have  held  human  nature  fo  long  debafed,  with 
out  the  aid  of  an  agent  more  powerful  than  an 
arm  of  ilefh,  and  without  availing  the  mind  with 
cilier  weapons  than  lh0fe  \\huh  are  furnifhed 
from  iis  temporal  concerns.  Mankind  are  by 
nature  religious  ;  the  governors  of  nations,  or 
thofe  pcrfons,  why  contrive  to  live  upon  the  la 
bours  of  their  felknv-creatures  muft  neceffarily 
be  few,  in  comparifon  to  thofe  \sho  hear  the  bur 
thens  of  the  whole  ;  their  object  therefore  is  to 
dupe  the  community  at  large,  to  conceal  the 
ftrength  of  the  many,  and  magnify  that  of  the  few. 
An  open  arrangement  of  forces,  whether  phyfi- 
cal  or  moral,  muft  be  artfully  avoided  ;  for  men, 
however  ignorant,  are  as  naturally  difpoied  to 
calculation,  as  they  arc  to  religion  ;  they  perceive 
as  readily  that  an  hundred  foldiers  can  deitroy  the 
captain  they  have  made,  as  that  thunder  and  light 
ning  can  deftroy  a  man.  Recourfe  mud  there 
fore  be  had  to  myfteries  and  invilibilities  ;  an  en 
gine  mud  be  forged  out  of  the  religion  of  human 
nature,  and  e reded  on  its  credulity,  to  play  upon 
and  cxtinguim  the  light  of  reafon,  which  was 
placed  in  the  mind  as  a  caution  to  the  one,  and  a 
kind  companion  to  the  other. 


ADVICE,  bV.  25 

This  engine,  in  all  ages  of  the  world,  has  been 
the  Church*.  It  has  varied  in  its  appellation,  at 
different  peru<ls  and  in  different  countries,  accor 
ding  to  the  circum  fiances  of  nations  ;  but  has  ne 
ver  changed  its  character;  and  it  is  difficult  to  fay, 
tinder  which  of  its  names  it  has  done  the  molt 
mifchief,  and  exterminated  the  greateft  number 
of  the  human  race.  Were  it  not  for  the  danger 
of  being  mifled  by  the  want  of  information,  we 
fliould  readily  determine,  that  under  the  affimp- 
tion  of  chfiftianity  it  has  committed  greater  ra 
vages  than  under  any  other  of  its  dreadful  deno 
minations. 

But  we  muft  not  be  hafty  in  deciding  this  quef- 
tion  ;  as,  durh*^  the  lad  fifteen  centuries,  in 
which  we  are  able  to  trace  with  compaffionate 

*  From  thai  allc.c'.atioii  of  ideas,  which  ufually 
connects  the  church  with  religion.  I  may  -run  the 
rifque  of  being  mil  u-iidei  flood  by  ibmc  readers,  un- 
lefs  I  advcrtiie  them,  that  1  confider  no  connection 
as  exifting  between  thele  two  fubjecls  ;  and  that 
where  !  ipeak  of  church  indefinitely,  I  mean  the 
government  of  a  (late,  ailuming  the  name  of  God, 
to  govern  by  divine  authority  ;  or  in  other  words, 
darkening  the.  coxjc.itnffs  of  men*  in  order  to  opprej's 
them. 

In  the  United  States  of  America,  there  is  ftrictly 
fpeaking,  no  fuch  thing  as  a  Church  :  i>nd  yet  in 
no  country  aic  the  pepple  more  religious.  All  forts 
of  religious  opinions  arc  entertained  there,  and  yet 
no  /r'r  fy  among  them  all  ;.  all  modes  of  worfhip  are 
/rt  there  is  no/./////.;  ;  men  frequent 
ly  change  tlje  reed  and  then"  won'liip,  and  yet 
there  is  no  apojlacy  ;  they  have  minifbcrs  of  religi 
on,  but  r,o  pri-"fis.  In  Hiort,  religion  is  there  a  p>;r- 


n 


36  ADVICE    TO    THE 

indignation  the  frenzy  of  our  anceftors,  and  con- 
tern  plate  the  wandering  demon  of  carnage,  con- 
dueled  by  the  crsf-s  of  the  Weft,  the  lights  of 
hiftory  fail  us  with  regard  to  the  red  of  the 
world, — we  cannot  travel  with  the  crefcext  of  the 
Eafr,  in  its  unmeafurable  devaluations  from  the 
Iluxine  to  the  Ganges  ;  nor  teil  by  what  other 
incantations  mankind  have  been  inflamed  with 
the  In  (I  of  ilauthter,  from  thence  to  the  north  of 
Siberia  or  to  the  ibutli  of  Africa. 

Could  we  form  an  e  dim  ate  of  the  lives  lofT  in 
the  wars  and  perfecutions  of  the  Chri-ftian  Church 
alone,  we  mould  find  it  nearly  equal  to  the  num 
ber  of  fouls  now  exiiting  in  Europe.  But  it  is  per 
haps  a  mercy  to  mankind,  that  we  are  not  able 
TO  calculate,  with  any  accuracy,  even  this  portion 
,-of  human  calamities  When  Conftarrine  order 
ed  that  the  hierarchy  fhould  a  flu  me  the  name  of 
Chnfr,  we  are  not  to  coniidcr  him  ?s  forming  a 
new  weapon  of  deftni&ion  ;  he  only  changed  a 
name,  which  had  grown  into  difrepute,  and 
would  ferve  the  purpofe  no  longer,  for  one  that 
was  gaining  an  extenfive  reputation  ;  it  being 
built  on  a  faith  that  was  likely  to  meet  the  afTcnt 
of  a  confiderable  portion  of  mankind.  The  cold- 
hearted*  cruelty  of  that  monarch's  character,  and 

*  The  report  of  Zolhnus,  refpc&ing  the*  motives 
which  induced  Condantinc  to  embrace  Chriftianity, 
has  .not  been  gerienilJy  credited,  though  the  circuni- 
flance  is  probable  in  itfelf,  and  the  author  is  coufi- 
clcred  in  other  reipcfts  an  hiftoiiaii  of  undoubted 
vciacity  ;  having  written  the  hiirory  of  all  the  Em 
perors,"  down  to  his  own  time,  which  was  the  be 
ginning  of  the  fifth  century.  His  account  i?,  that 
C'onllantine  could  not  be  admitted  into  the  ota  cfiab- 
lijh'd  church  of  Ceres  at  Eleulis,  en  account  of  the 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  37 


his  embracing  the  new  doftrines  with  a  temper 
hardened  in  the  (laughter  of  his  relations,  were 
omens  unfavourable  to  the  future  complexion 
of  the  hierarchy';  though  he  had  thus  coupled  it 
with  a  name  that  had  hitherto  been  remarkable 
for  its  meeknefs  and  humlity.  This  tranfa&ion 
has  therefore  given  colour  to  a  fcene  of  enormities, 
which  may  be  regarded  as  nothing  more  than  the 
genuine  offspring  of  the  alliance  of  church  and 
Jlate. 

This  fatal  deviation  from  the  principles  of  the 
firft  founder  of  the   faith,  who  declared   that  his 

enormity  of  his  crimes,  in  the  murder  of  many  of 
his  own  family.  But  on  his  demanding  admiflion, 
the  hierophanf  cried  out  with  horror,  "  Be  gone, 
thou  parricide,  whom  the  Gods  will  not  pardon." 
The  Chriitian  doctors  feized  this  occafion  to  admi- 
nifter  to  the  wants  of  the  Emperor,  on  condition 
that  he  would  admini Her  to  theirs  ;  the  bargain  was 
advantageous  on  both  fides  ;  he  declared  himfelf  a 
Chriftian,  and  took  the  church  under  his  protec 
tion,  and  they  pronounced  his  pardon. 

The  fawning  Icrvility  of  the  new  church  and  the 
blunt  feverity  of  the  old,  on  that  occafion,  mark  the 
•jpreciie  character  of  the  ecclefiaftical  policy  of  all 
ages  ;  and  both  examples  have  been  followed  in 
numerous  inftances.  The  manoeuvres  of  the  Pope 
on  the  converfion  of  Clovis,  on  fan£lioning  the  u- 
furpation  of  Pepin,  and  on  the  coronation  of  Char 
lemagne,  are  among  the  imitations  of  the  former  ; 
the  ridiculous  chaflifment  of  Henry  the  fecond  of 
England,  and  the  numerous  anathemas  fulminated 
againft  whole  kingdoms,  are  proofs  of  the  latter. 
We  may  likcwifc  remark^  that  the  conduct  of 
Conflantine  has  been  copied  in  all'its  effential  points 
by  Henry  the  eighth. 

D 


38  ADVICE    TO    THE 

kingdom  was  not  of  this  world,  has  deluged  Europe 
in  blood  for  a  long  fucceflion  of  ages,  and  carried 
occafional  ravages  into  all  the  other  quarters  of 
the  globe.  The  pretence  of  extirpating  the  idol 
atries  of  ancient  cftabHfhments,  and  the  innumer 
able  herefies  of  the  new,  has  been  the  never-fail 
ing  argument  of  princes  as  well  as  pontiffs,  from 
the  wars  of  Conftantine,  down  to  the  pitiful,  ftill- 
born  rebellion  of  Calonne  and  the  Count  d'Ar- 
tois*. 

•From  the  time  of  the  converfion  of  Olovisj 
through  all  the  Merovingian  race,  France  and 
Germany  groaned  under  the  fury  of  ecclefiaftical 
monfter5,  hunting  down  the  Druids,  overturning 
the  temples  of  the  Roman  Polytheifts,  and  drench 
ing  the  plains  with  the  blood  of  Arianst.  The 

*  See  Expofition  dts  motifs  dos  Princes,  freres  du 
Roi, — A  declaration  of  the  motives  of  the  King's  bro- 
,  thersy  for  r&ifmg  an  army  to  chaft-ift  the  French  nation, 
published  at  Coblentz  in  Januaiy  1792.  The  fir  ft 
article  mentioned  in  reciting  the  objects  of  tins  ex 
pedition  is,  "  pour  rttablir  U  refpeEt  du  a  la  rfligien 
Cathoiiqiie,  et  a  Jes  minijtres." 

Wliat  Chriftian  emperor  ever  had  a  better  right 
to  eftablifh  religion  than  the  count  d'Artois?  His 
name,  to  be  lure,  is  a  burlelque  upon  every  poflible 
virtue,  and  a  fatire  upon  human  nature.  But  why 
fhould  this  hinder  liim  from  bc.ir.g  an  excellent  ad 
vocate  for  la  Religion  CathoLique  ? 

i   Exterminating  heretics  was  a  principal  object 
of  national  ambition.      Childebert  I.    who  died    in 
558;  h>as  *he  following  epitaph  on  his  tomb   in  the 
Abbey  of  St.  Germain?.  dcs:  lire's,  at  Paris. 
Ltjang  des  Arriens  dont  rou^ircnt  Us plaines, 
J)e  mont agues  dc  corps  lair  pays  tout  convert, 
ILt  Ifiirs  chejs  mis  a  mort^funt  -ties  prntves  ccrtaines 
J)e  ce  quc  Us  Francois  Jirtntjous  Ckildebcrt. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  39. 

wars  of  Charlemagne  againft  the  Saxons,  the 
Hans,  th^  Lombards  and  the  Moors,  which  de- 
{blared  Europe  for  forty  years,  had  for  their  prin 
cipal  object  the  extending  and  purifying  of  the 
Chriitian  faith.  The  cru fades,  which  drained 
Europe  of  its  young  men  at  eight  fucceflive  pe 
riods,  mud  have  facrificed,  including  Ailatics 
and  Africans,  at  lead  four  millions  of  lives.  The 
wars  of  the  Guelfs,  and  Gibelins,  or  Pope  and 
Anti-pope,  ravaged  Italy,  and  involved  half  Eu 
rope  in  factions  for  two  centuries  together.  The 
expulfion  of  the  Moors  from  Spain  depopulated 
that  kingdom,  by  a  war  of  feven  hundred  )ears, 
and  eftablifheci  the  inquifition  to  interdict  the  re- 
furrection  of  fociety  ;  while  millions  of  the  na 
tives  of  South  America  have  been  deilroyed  by 
attempting  to  convert  them. 

In  this  enumeration,  we  have  taken  no  notice 
of  that  train  of  calamities,  which  attended  the  re- 
converfion  of  the  ealtern  empire,  and  attaching  it 
to  the  faifh  of  Mahomet  ;  nor  of  the  various  ha- 
roc,  which  followed  the  difmemberment  of  the 
catholic  church,  by  that  fortunate  fchifm,  which, 
Dy  fome,  is  denominated  the  Lutheran  herefy,  and 
by  others,  the  Proteftant  reformation. 

But  thefe,  it  will  be  faid,  are  only  general 
traits  of  uncivilized  character,  which  we  all  con 
template  with  equal  horror,  and  which,  among 
enlightened  nations,  there  can  be  no  danger  of  fee 
ing  renewed.  It  is  true,  that,  in  feveral  coun 
tries,  the  glooms  of  intolerance  feem  to  be  pierced 
by  the  rays  of  philofophy  ;  and  we  may  foon  ex- 
peel  to  fee  Europe  univerfally  difclainiing  the  right 
of  one  man  to  interfere  in  the  religion  of  another. 
We  may  remark,  however,  /r/?,  that  this  is  far 
D  2 


40  ADVICE    TO    THE 

from  being  the  cafe  at  this  moment  ;  and  fecondly, 
that  it  is  a  blefling  which  never  can  originate  from 
any  ftate-cftablifhment  of  religion.  For  proofs 
of  the  former,  we  need  not  penetrate  into  Spain 
or  Italy,  nor  recal  the  hiftory  of  the  late  fanatical 
management  of  the  war  in  Brabant, — but  look  to 
the  two  moil  enlightened  countries  in  Europe  ;  fee 
the  riots  at  Birmtnham,  and  the  conduct  of  the 
refradory  priefts  in  France. 

With  regard  to  the  fecond  remark, — we  may 
as  well  own  the  truth  at  firft  as  at  laft,  and  have 
ienfe  this  year  as  the  next  :  The  exijhnce  of  any 
kind  of  liberty  is  incompatible  with  the  exiftence  cf 
any  kind  of  church.  By  liberty ',  I  mean  the  enjoy 
ment  of  equal  rights,  and  by  church  I  mean  any 
mode  of  worfhip  declared  to  be  nations  K  or  declar 
ed  to  have  any  preference  in  the  eye  of  the  law. 

To  render  this  truth  a  little  more  familiar  to 
the  mind  of  any  reader  who  fhall  find  himfeif 
ftariled  with  it,  we  will  take  a  view  of  the  church 
in  a  different  light  from  what  we  have  yet  conft- 
dered  it.  We  have  hitherto  noticed  only  its  mod 
ftriking  charadleriftics,  in  which  it  appears  like  a 
giant,  (talking  over  fociety,  and  wielding  the 
fword  of  flaughter ;  but  it  likevvife  performs  the 
office  of  filent  difeafe,  and  of  unperceived  decay  ; 
•where  we  may  contemplate  it  as  a  canker,  corrod 
ing  the  vitals  of  the  moral  wrorld,  and  debafing  all 
that  is  noble  in  man. 

If  I  mention  fome  traits  which  are  rather  pe 
culiar  to  the  Roman  Catholic  conftitution,  it  is 
becaufe  that  is  the  predominant  church  in  thofe 
parts  of  Europe,  where  revolutions  are  fooneft 
expe&ed  ;  and  not  becaufe  it  is  any  worfe,  or  any 
better,*,  than  any  other  that  ever  has  or  ever  can 
exift.  I  hinted  before,  and  it  may  not  be  amifs 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  41. 

m  repeat,  that  the  hierarchy  is  every  where  the 
fame,  fo  far  as  the  crrcum (lances  of  fociety  will 
permit ;  for  it  borrows  and  Lends,  and  interchanged 
its  features,  in  fome  meafure,  with  the  age  and 
nation,  with  which  it  has  to  deal,  without  ever 
lofing  fight  of  its  object.  It  is  every  where  the 
fame  engine  of  ftate  ;  and  whether  it  be  guided  by 
a  Lama  or  a  Mufti,  by  a  Pontifex  or  a  Pope,  by 
a  Bramin,  a  Biihop  or  a  Druid,  it  is  entitled  to  an; 
equal  fbare  of  refpedt. 

The  firft  great  object  of  the  pried  is  to  eftablifli 
a  belief  in  the  minds  of  the  people,,  that  he  him- 
Jelf  is  poffiffed  of  fupernatural  powers  ;  and  the 
church  at  all  times  has  made  its  way  in  the  world  r 
i-n  proportion  as  the prieft  has  fucceeded  in  this 
particular.  This  is  the  foundation  of  every 
thing, — the  life  and  foul  of  all  that  is  fubverfive 
and  unaccountable  in  human  affairs  ;  it  is  intro 
ducing  a  new  element  into  fociety  ;  it  is  the  rud 
der  under  the  water,  (leering  the  fhip  almoft  di- 
reclly  contrary  to  the  wind  that  gives  it  motion. 

A  belief  in  tire  fupernatural  powers  of  the 
prieft,  has  been  infpired  by  means,  which,  in 
different  nations,  have  been  known  by  different 
names, — fuch  as  aerologies  auguries,.,  oracles,  or 
incantations.  This  article  once  ellabliOied,  its 
continuation  is  not  a  difficult  tafk.  For,  as  the 
church  acquires  wealth,  it  furniilies  it  felt  with: 
the  neceffory  apparatus,  and  the  trade  is-  carried 
on  to  advantage.  The  impofition  too  becomes, 
more  eafy  from  the  authority  of  precedent,  by 
which  the  mquifitive  faculties  of  the  mind  are- 
benumbed  ;  men  believe,  by  prefcription,  and: 
orthodoxy  is  heriditary. 

la.  this  manner  every  nation  of  antiquity  re> 
D  3, 


42  ADVICE    TO    THE 

ceived  the  poifon  in  its  infancy,  and  was  rendered 
incapable  of  acquiring  a  vigorous  manhood,  of 
fpeaking  a  national  will,  or  of  a£Ung  with  that 
dignity  and  generofity,  which  are  natural  to  man 
in  fociety.  The  moment  that  Romulus  confulted 
the  oracles  for  the  building  of  his  city,  that  mo 
ment  he  interdicted  its  future  citizens  the  enjoy 
ment  of  liberty  among  themfelves,  as  well  as  all 
ideas  of  juftice  towards  their  neighbours.  Men 
never  aft  their  own  opinions,  in  company  with 
thofe  who  can  give  them  the  opinions  of  Gods  ; 
and  as  long  as  governors  have  an  eftablifhed  mode 
of  confulting  the  aufpices,  there  is  no  neceffity  to 
cftablifh  any  mode  of  confulting  the  people. 
Nihil public e  fin e  aufpiciis  nee  domi  nee  militia  gere- 
batiir*y  was  the  Roman  Magna  Charta  ;  and  it 
flood  in  place  of  a  declaration  of  the  rights  of 
man.  There  is  fomething  extremely  impofing  in 
a  maxim  of  this  kind.  Nothing  is  more  pious,, 
peaceful,  and  moderate  in  appearance  ;  and  noth 
ing  more  favage  and  abominable  in  its  operation. 
But  it  is  a  genuine  church-maxim,  and,  as  fuch, 
deferves  a  further  confideration. 

One  obvious  tendency  of  this  maxim  is,  like 
the  feudal  rights,  to  inculcate  radical  ideas  of  ine 
qualities  among  men  ;  and  it  does  this  in  a  much 
greater  degree.  The  feudal  diftance  between  man 
and  man,  is  perceptible  and  definite  ;  but  the  mo 
ment  you  give  one  member  of  fociety  a  familiar 
intercourfe  with  God,  you  launch  him  into  the 
region  of  infinities  and  invifibilities  ;  you  unfit 
him,  and  his  brethren,  to  live  together,  on  any 
terms  but  thofe  of  ftupid  reverence  and  of  infolent 
abufe. 

*   Cicero  dc  divi?iaticne+    Lib.  I. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  4/> 

Another  tendency  is  to  make  men  cruel  and 
favage  in  a  preternatural  degree.  When  a  perfon 
believes  that  he  is  doing  the  immediate  work  of 
God,  he  divefts  himfelf  of  the  feelings  of  a  man. 
Arid  gn  ambitions  general,  who  wifhes  to  extir 
pate  or  to  plunder  a  neighbouring  nation,  has  on 
ly  to  order  the  prieft  to  do  his  duty,  and  fet  the 
people  at  work  by  an  oracle  ;  they  then  know  no 
other  bounds  to  their  frenzy  than  the  will  of  their 
leader,  pronounced  by  the  prieft  ;  whofe  voice  to 
them  is  the  voice  of  God.  In  this  cafe  the  leaft 
attention  to  mercy  or  juftice  would  be  abhorred  as 
a  difobedience  to  the  divine  command.  This  cir- 
cumftance  alone,  is  fufncient  to  account  for  two- 
thirds  of  the  cruelty  of  all  wars, — perhaps  in  a 
great  meafure  for  their  exiftence, — and  has  given 
rife  to  an  opinion,  that  nations  are  cruel  in  pro 
portion  as  they  are  religious.  But  the  obfervaticn 
ought  to  (land  thus,  That  nations  are  cruel  in  pro 
portion  as  they  are  guided  by  priefl s ',  than  which 
there  is  no  axiom  more  undeniably  without  ex 
ception. 

Another  tendency  of  governing  men  by  oracles, 
is  to  make  them  factious  and  turbulent  in  the  ufe 
of  liberty,  when  they  feel  thernfelves  in  pofieflion 
of  it.  In  all  ancient  democracies,  the  great  body 
of  the  people  enjoyed  no  liberty  at  all  ;  and  thofe 
who  were  called  freemen,  exercifed  it  only  by 
fbrts,  for  the  purpofe  of  revenging  injuries, — not 
in  a  regular  conftitnted  mode  of  preventing  them  r 
the  body  politic  ufed  liberty  as  a  medicine,  and  not 
as  daily  bread.  Hence  it  has  happened,  that  the 
hiftories  of  ancient  democracies,  and  of  modern 
infurreflions,  are  quoted  upon  us>  to  the  infult 
of  common  fenfe,  to  prove  that  a  whole  people 
is  not  capable  of  governing  itfelf.  The  whole  of 


44  ADVICE    TO    THE 


the  reafoning  on  this  fubjeft,  from  the  profound 
difquiii.tions  of  Ar.iilotks  down  to  the  puny  whin- 
ings  of  Dr.  Tatham,*  are  founded  on  a  direct  in- 
verfion  of  hiftorrcal  fad.  It  is  the  want  of  liber 
ty,  not  the  enjoyment-  of  it,  which  has  occafioned 
all  the  ta&ion-s  in  fociety  from  the  beginning  of 
time,  and  will  do  fo  to  the  end  ;  it  is'btfcaufe  the 
people  are  mt  habitually  free  from  civil  and  eccle- 
fiaflical  tyrants,,  that  trrey  are  difpofed  to  exercife 
tyranny  themfdvts.  Habitual  freedom  produces' 
effects  directly  the  reverie  in  every  particular, 
For  a  proof  of  this,  look  into  America,  or,  if  that 
be  too  much  trouble,  look  into  human  naturc^ 
\vith  the  eyes  of  common  fenfc. 

When  the  Chrillian  religion  \vas  perverted,  and 
p  relied  into  the  fervice  of  government,  under  the 
name  of  the  chrijllan  churchy  it  became  necelTary 
that  its  prk'nS  mould  fet  up  for  fupernatural  pow 
ers,  and  invert  themfelves  in  the  fame  cloak  of  in 
fallibility,  of  which  they  had  Itripped  their  pre- 
decellbrs,  the  dnrds  and  he  augurs.  This  they 
cifec'ted  by  miracles  ;  for  which  they  gained  fa 
great  a  reputation,  that  they  were  canonized  after 
death,,  and  have  furnifh-ed  modern  Europe  with  2 
much  greater  catalogue  of  faints,,  than  could  be. 
found  in  any  breviary  of  the  ancients.  The  poly- 
theifm  of  the  catholic  churchy  is  more  fplendid  for. 
the  number  of  its-  divinities,  than  that  of  the 

*  It  "may  be  neceltiry  to  inform,  the  reader,  that 
Dr.  Tathara  of  Oxford  has  written  a  book  in  de 
fence  of  royalty  and  Mr.  Burke.  As  this"  is  the  laft 
as  well  as.  the  weakeft  thing  againft  liberty  that  L 
have  met  with,  it  is  mentioned  in  the  text  for  the. 
lake  of  widening  the  gralp  of  my  affertion,  as  well 
as  for  heightening  the  contrail  among  all  poflible 
authors*. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS. 


45 


Elenfinian  ;  and  they  are  not  inferior  in  point  of 
attributes.  The  Denis  of  France  is  at  lead  equal 
to  the  Jupiter  of  Greece  or  the  Apis  of  Egypt. 
As  to  fupernatural  powers,  the  cafe  is  precifely 
the  fame  in  both  ;  and  the  portions  of  infallibility 
are  dealt  out  from  the  pope  to  the  fubordinate 
prieds,  according  to  their  rank,  in  fuch  a  manner 
as  to  complete  the  harmony  of  the  fydem. 

Cicero  has  written  with  as  much  judgment  and 
erudition  on  the  "corruptions''  of  the  old  Roman 
Church,  as  Dr.  Priediy  has  on  thofe  of  the  new. 
But  the  difficulty  is  not  that  the  church  is  corrupt 
ed  by  men  ;  it  is,  that  men  are  corrupted  by  the 
church  ;  for  the  very  exigence  of  a  church,  as 
I  have  before  defined  it,  is  founded  on  a  lie  ; 
it  fets  out  with  the  blafphemy  of  giving  to  one 
clafs  of  men  the  attributes  of  God  ;  and  the 
praclifing  of  thefe  forceries  by  that  clafs,  ai;d 
the  believing  of  them  by  another,  corrupt  and 
vitiate  the  whole. 

One  of  the  mod  admirable  contrivances  ©f  the 
Chriftian  church,  is  the  bufmefs  of  cwfejfions. 
It  requires  great  reflection  to  give  us  an  idea  of 
the  effects  wrought  on  fociety  by  this  part  of  the 
machinary.  It  is  a  folemn  recognition  of  the 
iupernatural  powers  of  the  pried,  repeated  every 
day  in  the  year,  by  every  'human  creature  above 
the  age  of  twelve  years.  Nothing  is  more  natu 
ral  than  for  men  to  judge  of  every  thing  around 
them,  and  even  of  themfelves,  by  ccmparifon  ; 
and  in  this  cafe,  what  opinion  are  the  laity  to 
form  of  their  own  dignity  ?  When  a  poor,  ig 
norant,  vitious  mortal  is  fet  up  for  the  God>  what 
mud  be  the  man  ?  I  cannot  conceive  of  any 
perfon  going  ferioufly  to  a  confeflional  and  belie 
ving  in  the  equality  of  rights,  or  pofle  fling  one 


46  ADVICE    TO    THE 

moral    fentimenr,    that    is   worthy   of  a   rational 
being*. 

Another  contrivance  of  the  fame  fort,  and  lit 
tle  interior  in  efficacy,  is  the  law  of  celibacy^ 
impofed  on  the  pneiUiood,  both  male  and  female, 
in  almoit  all  church-eitablilhrnents,  that  have 
hitherto  exiiled.  The  pr'rdl  is  in  the  iirlt  place 
armed  with  the  weapons  of; fcnoral  deftru&ion,  by 
wh!ch  he  is  made  the  professional  enemy  of  his 
fellow  men  ;  and  then,  for  fear  he  mould  neg 
lect  to  ufe  thofe  weapons, — for  fear  he  fheuld  cen 
tral  the  feelings  and  fnendfhips  of  rational  be 
ings,  by  mingling  with  fociety  and  becoming 
one  of  its  members, — for  fear  his  impofuions 
mould  be  difcovered  by  the  imimacy  of  family 
connexion?, — he  is  interdicted  the  raoft  cordial 
endearments  of  life  ;  he  is  fevered  from  the  fym- 
pathies  of  his  fellow-creatures,  and  yet  compelled 
to  be  with  them  ;  his  affections  are  held  in  the 
mortmain  of  perpetual  inactivity  ;  and,  like  the 


*  The  following  tariff  cf  the  prices  of  absolution- 
will  fhow  what  ideas  thefe  holy  fathers  have  incuU 
cated  relative  to  the  proportional  degree  of  moral 
turpitude  in  different  crimes.  It  was  reprinted  at 
Rome  no  longer  ago  than  the  lad  century. 

For   a   layman  who  {hall   ilrike  a  priefl^.    s.   d. 

without  effufion  of  blood  ----050 
For  one  layman  who  fhall  kill  another  -033 
For  murdering  a  father,  mother,  wife,  or 

fitter  --  050 

For  eating  meat  in  Lent  -----  O55 
For  him  who  lies  with  his  mother  or  fifter  038 
For  marrying  on  thofe  days  when  the 

church  forbids  matrimony  -  -  2  o  o 

For  the  abiolution  of  all  crimes  -  -  -  2  16  Q 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  4^ 

dead  men  of  Mezentiu%    lie  is  laflied  to  fociety 
for  tyranny  and  contamination. 

The  whole  of  this  management,  in  fele6ling, 
preparing,  and  organizing  the  members  of  the 
ccclefiadical  body,  is  purfued  with  the  fame  uni 
form,  cold-blooded  hcdility,  againft  the  focial 
harmonies  of  life.  The  fubjedts  are  taken  from 
the  younger  fons  or  noble  families,  who,  from 
their  birth,  are  confidered  as  a  mrifance  to  the 
houfe,  and  an  outcad  from  parental  attachment. 
They  are  then  cut  off  from  all  opportunities  of 
forming  fraternal  afFedions,  and  educated  in  a 
•cloider;  till  they  enter  upon  their  public  func 
tions,  as  difconne&ed  from  the  feelings  of  the 
community,  as  it  is  defigned  they  fliall  ever  re 
main  from  its  intcreds. 

I  will  not  mention  the  corruption  of  morals, 
which  mud  refult  from  the  combined  cunfes  of 
the  ardent  paflions  of  confr rained  celibacy,  and  the 
fecret  interviews  of  the  pried  with  the  women  of 
his  charge,  for  the  purpoie  of  confefiions  :  I  will 
draw  no  arguments  from  the  diilenfions  iown  in 
families  ;  the  jealoufies  and  confequcnt  aberrations 
of  both  hnfbund  and  wife,  occasioned  by  an.  in- 
Trigning  dranger  being  in  the  ferrets  of  both  ;  the 
dilcouragemcnts  laid  upon  matrimony  by  a  gene 
ral  dread  of  thefe  confeqncnces,  in  the  minds  of 
men  of  refle&ion, — efFcch  which  arc  remarkable 
in  all  catholic  countries  ;,  bur  I  ><  ill  conclude  this 
nrticle  by  obfcrxing  the  ciiivct  infliience  that  eccle- 
iiaflical  celibacy  alone,  has  liacl  on  the  population 
of  Europe. 

This  policy  of  the  church  rnr.il  have  produced, 
at  lead,  as  great  an  c!!\:cU  in  tiiir,inf.>  (••i.-iety,  as 
the  whole  or  her  wars  and  perfecutionF.  J  n  ca 
tholic  Europe,  there  mud  be  near  a  million  of  ee- 


48  ADVICE    TO    THE 


clefiaftics.*  This  proportion  of  mankind  con 
tinuing  deducted  from  the  agents  of  population, 
for  fifteen  centuries,  mud  have  precluded  the  ex 
igence  of  more  than  one  hundred  millions  of  the 
human  fpecies. 

Should  the  reader -be  difpofed,  on  this  remark, 
to  liilen  to  the  reply,  whiclj  is  fomelimes  made, 
that  Europe  is  fufficiently  populous;  I  beg  he 
would  fufpend  his  deciiion,  till  he  fliall  fee  what 
may  be  faid,  in  the  courfe  oftliiswork,  on  pro- 
tedted  induftry  ;  and  until  he  (hall  well  coniider 
the  effects  of  liberty  on  the  means  of  fubfiftence. 
That  reply  is  certainly  one  of  the  axioms  <?f  ty 
ranny,  and  is  of  kin  to  the  famous  wifh  of  Cali 
gula,  that  the  whole  Roman  people  had  but  one 
neck. 

The  French  have  gone  as  far  in  the  definition 
of  the  hierarchy  as  could  have  been  expected, 
cohiidering  the  habits  of  the  people,  and  the  pre- 
fent  circumftances  of  Europe.  The  church  in 
that  country  was  like  royalty, — the  prejudices  in 
its  favour  were  too  (trong  to  be  vanquished  all  at 
once.  The  moil  that  could  be  done,  was  to  tear 
the  bandage  from  the  eyes  of  mankind,  break  the 

*  Boulanger,  (vol.  7.  page  294)  computes  the  ec- 
clefiafiics  in  Spain  alone,  at  half  a  million.  I  am 
inclined  to  think  this  account  exaggerated.  If  it 

oo 

were  exaft,  and  the  other  catholic  countries  of  Eu 
rope  poilefTed  them  in  as  great  numbers,  in  propor 
tion  to  their  population,  there  muft  be  at  lead  three 
millions  and.  a  half.  It  is  true,  that  in  Fiance,  the 
Auftrian  Netherlands,  Poland,  Sweden,  Ireland, 
and •  fome  parts  of  Germany,  the  proportion  is  not 
fo  great  ;  but  in  Italy,  Portugal,  and  in  parts  of 
•Germany,  it  is  full  equal  to  what  it  is  in  Spain. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  49 

charm  of  inequality,  dcmolim  ranks  and  infalli- 
billities,  and  teach  the  people  that  mitres  and 
crowns  did  not  confer  fupernatural  powers.  As 
Jong  as  public  teachers  are  chofen  by  the  people, 
are  falaried  and  removeable  by  the  people,  are 
born  and  married  among  the  people,  have  fami 
lies  to  be  educated  and  protected  from  oppreflion 
and  from  vice, — as  long  as  they  have  ail  the  com 
mon  fympathies  offociety,  to  bind  them  to  the 
public  interelt,  there  is  very  little  danger  of  their 
becoming  tyrants  by  force  ;  and  the  liberty  of  the 
prefs  will  prevent  their  being  fo  by  craft. 

In  the  United  States  of  America  there  is  no 
church  ;  and  this  is  one  of  the  principal  circum- 
flances  which  diftinguifh  that  government  front 
all  others,  that  ever  exifted  ;  it  enfures  the  unem- 
barraHed  exercife  cf  religion,  the  continuation  of 
public  inftru&ion,  in  the  fcience  of  liberty  and 
happinefs,  and  promifes  a  long  duration  to  a  rep- 
reientative  government. 


e  H  A  p.   in. 


THE   MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

II  importoit  au  maintien  de  1'autorite  du  roi,  d'entre- 
tenir  la  guerre. 
HJSTOIRE  DE  CHARLEMAGNE, 

HP 

JL  HE  church,  in  all  modern  Europe,  may  be 
confidered  as  a  kind  of  {landing  army  ;  as  the 
members  of  that  community  have  been,  in  every 
nation,  the  furefl  fupporters  of  arbitrary  power, 
both  for  internal  oppreflion  and  for  external  vio 
lence.  But  this  not  being  fh-fficient  of  itfelf,  an 
additional  inftrument,  to  be  known  by  the  name 
of  the  military  fyjlem^  became  neceffary  ;  and  it 
feems  to  have  been  expedient  to  call  up  another 
element  of  human  nature,  out  of  which  this  new 
inftrument  might  be  created  and  maintained. 
The  church  was  in  pofleffion  of  the  itrongcfl 
ground  that  could  be  taken  in  the  human  mind, 
the  principle  of  religion  ;  a  principle  dealing  with 
things  invifible  ;  and  confequently  the  moft  capa 
ble  of  being  itfelf  perverted,  and  then  of  pervert 
ing  the  whole  mind,  and  fubjecling  it  to  any  un- 
reafonable  purfuit. 

Next  to  that  of  religion,  and  fimilar  to  it  in 
moll  of  its  characleriitic-,  is  the  principle  of  bo~ 
Tt$ur.  Honour,  like  religion,  is  an  original,  in 
delible  fentiment  of  the  mind,  an  indifperi  fable 
ingredient  in  our  nature.  But  its  objecl  is  inca 
pable  of  precife  definition  ;  and  confequently, 
though  given  us  in  aid  of  the  more  definable  feel 
ings  of  morality,  it  is  capable  of  total  perverlion, 
of  lofing  fight  of  its  own  original  nature,  and 


ADVICE,    Cfr,  51 

ftill  retaining  its  name  ;  of  purfuing  the  deftruc- 
tion  of  moral  fentiments,  inflead  of  being  their 
ornament  ;  of  debafing,  inftead  of  fupporting, 
.the  dignity  of  man. 

This  carnelion  principle  was,  therefore,  a  proper 
clement  of  imposition,  and  was  deftined  to  make 
an  immenfe  figure  in  the  world,  as  the  foundation 
and  fupport  of  the  military  fyftem  of  all  unequal 
governments.  We  muft  look  pretty  far  into 
human  nature,  before  we  fhall  difcover  the  caufe, 
why  killing  men  in  battle  fhould  be  deemed,  in 
iff  elf,  an  honourable  employment.  A  hangman 
is  univerfally  defpifed  ;  he  exercifes  an  office, 
which  not  only  the  feelings,  but  the  policy  of  all 

nations,  have  agreed  to  regard  as  infamous.     What 

.  o 

is  it  that  fhould  roake  the  difference  of  thefe  two 

occupations,  in  favour  of  the  former  r  Surely  it 
is  not  becaufe  the  victims  in  the  former  cafe  are 
innocent,  and  the  latter  guilty-  To  aflert  this, 
would  be  a  greater  libel  upon  human  focietiy, 
than  I  can  bring  my  felt  to  utter  ;  it  would  make 
the  tyranny  of  opinion  the  inoft  deleft  Me,  as  well 
as  the  moft  fovereign  of  all  pofnble  tyrannies. 
But  what  can  it  be  ?  It  is  not,  what  is  fometimes 
alleged,  that  courage,  is  the  foundation  of  the  bu 
ll  uefs ;  that  fighting  is  honourable  becaufe  it  is 
dangerous  ;  the-re  is  often  as  much  courage  dif~ 
played  in  highway-robbery,  as  in  the  warmeft 
conflict  of  armies  ;  and  yet  it  does  no  honour  to 
the  party;  a  Robin  Hood  is  as  difhonourable  a 
character  as  a  Jack  Ketch.  It  is  not  becaufe 
there  is  any  idea  of  juftice  or  bonefly  in  the  cafe  ; 
for.  to  fay  the  belt  that  can  be  faid  of  war,  it  is 
impoflible  that  more  than  one  fide  can  be  juft  or 
honeft  ;  and  yet  both  fides  of  every  conteft  ars 
E  2 


52  ADVICE    TO    THE 

equally  the  road  to  fame  ;  where  a  diftinguiihed 
ikiller  of  men,  is  fure  to  gain  immortal  honour. 
It  is  not  pat  riot  ifm,  even  in  that  fenfe  o(  the  word 
which  deviates  the  moft  from  general  philanthro 
py  ;  for  a  total  flranger  to  both  parlies  in  a  Vv'ar, 
may  enter  into  it  on  either  fide,  as  a  volunteer, 
*  perform  more  than  a  vulgar  fhare  of  the  flaugh- 
ter,  and  be  for  ever  applauded,  even  by  his  ene 
mies.  Finally,  it  is  not  from  any  pecuniary  advan 
tages  that  are  ordinarily  attached  to  the  profeffion 
of  arms  ;  for  foldiers  are  generally  poor,  though 
part  of  their  bufmefs  be  to  plunder. 

Indeed,  I  can  fee  but  one  reafon  in  nature, 
why  the  principal  of  honour  fhould  be  felecled 
from  all  human  incentives,  and  relied  on  for  the 
fupport  of  the  military  fyftem  ;  it  is  becaufe  it 
was  convenient  for  the  governing  power  ;  that  power 
being  in  the  hands  of  a  finall  part  of  the  commu 
nity,  whofe  bufmefs  was  to  fupport  it  by  imppil- 
tion.  No  principle  of  a  permanent  nature, 
whofe  object  is  unequivocal,  and  whofe  flighted 
deviations  are  perceptible,  would  have  anfwered 
the  purpofe.  Jufcice,  for  inftance,  is  a  principle 
of  common  ufe,  of  which  every  man  can  dif- 
cern  the  application.  Should  the  Prince  fay 
it  was  juft,  to  commence  an  unprovoked  war 
with  his  weak  neighbours,  and  plunder  their 
country,  the  falfhood  would  be  too  glaring ;  all 
men  would  judge  for  themfelves,  and  give  him 
the  lie  ;  and  no  man  would  follow  his  ilandard, 
unlefs  bribed  by  his  avarice.  But  honour  is  of 
another  nature  ;  it  is  what  we  all  can  feel,  but  no 
one  can  define  ;  it  is  therefore  whatever  the  Prince 
may  choofe  to  name  it  :  and  fo  powerful  is  its 
operation,  that  all  the  ufeful  fentiments  of  life 
lofe  their  effect:  morality  is  not  only  banifhed 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  53 

from  political  cabinets,  but  generally  and  profef- 
fionally  from  the  bofoms  of  men,  who  purfue  ho 
nour,  in  the  profeffion  of  arms. 

It  is  common  for  a  King,  who  wifhes  to  make 
a  thing  fafhionable,  to  pradife  it  himfelf ;  and  in 
this  he  is  fure  of  general  imitation  and  fuccefs. 
As  this  device  is  extremely  natural,  and  as  the 
exiftence  of  wars  is  abfolutely  neceffary  to  the 
exiftence  of  Kings  ;  to  give  a  fafhion  to  the  trade 
mud  have  been  a  confiderable  motive  to  the  an 
cient  Kings,  for  expcfmg  themfelves  fo  much  as 
they  ufually  did  in  battle.  They  laid,  Let  human 
Jlaughter  be  honourable,  and  honourable  it  was. 

Hence  it  is,  that  warriors  have  been  termed 
heroes  ;  and  the  eulogy  of  heroes  has  been  the 
conftant  bufinefs  of  hiftorians  and  poets,  from  the 
days  of  Nimrod  down  to  the  prefent  century. 
Homer,  for  his  aftonifhing  variety,  animation, 
and  fublimityr  has  not  a  warmer  admirer  than 
myfelf ;  he  has  been  for  three  thoufand  years, 
like  a  reigning  fovereign,  applauded  as  a  matter 
of  courfe,  whether  from  love  or  fear  ;  for  no  man 
with  fafety  to  his  own  character  can  refufe  to  join 
the  chorus  of  his  praife.  I  never  can  exprefs 
(and  his  other  admirers  have  not  (lone  it  for  me) 
the  pleafure  I  receive  from  his  poems  ;  but  in  a 
view  of  philantrophy,  I  confider  his  exiftsnce  as 
having  been  a  ferious  misfortune  to  the  human 
race.  He  has  given  to  military  lif\>,  a  charm, 
which  few  men  can  reiift,  a  fplendour  which  en 
velopes  the  fcenes  of  carnage  in  a  cloud  of  glory,, 
which  dazzles  the  eyes  of  every  beholder,  deals 
from  us  our  natural  fenfibilitie -,  in  exchange  for 
the  artificial,  debafes  meii  to  brute?,  under  the  pre 
text  of  exalting  them  to  Gods,  ancl  obliterates, 
with  the  fame  irrefutable  ftroke,  the  moral  duties 


54  ABVICE    TO    THE 

of  life  and  the  true  policy  of  nations.  Alexander* 
is  not  the  only  human  monfter  that  has  been  form 
ed  after  the  model  of  Achilles  ;  nor  Perfia  and 
Egypt  the  only  countries  depopulated  for  no  other 
reafon  than  the  defire  of  rivalling  predecefibrs  in 
military  fame. 

Another  device  of  Princes,  to  render  honoura 
ble  the  profeflion  of  arms,  was  to  make  it  envia 
ble,  by  depriving  the  lowed  orders  of  fociety  of 
the  power  of  becoming  foldiers.  Excluding  the 
helots  of  all  nations  from  any  part  in  the  glory  of 
butchering  their  fellow-creatures,  has  had  the  fame 
effecl:  as  in  Sparta, — it  has  ennobled  the  trade  ; 
and  this  is  the  true  feudal  eflimation,  in  which 
this  trade  has  defcended  to  us,  from  our  Gothic 
anceftors. 

At  the  fame  time  that  the  feudal  fydem  was 
furnifhing  Europe  with  a  numerous  body  of 
noblelFe,  it  became  neceffary,  for  various  purpofes 
of  defpotifm,  that  they  mould  be  prevented  from 
mingling  with  the  common  mafs  of  fociety,  that 
they  fhould  be  held  together  by  what  they  call 
refprit  de  corps^  or  the  corporation  fpirit,  and  be 
furnifhed  with  occupations,  which  fhould  leave 
them  nothing  in  common  with  their  fellow  rnen. 

*  It  is  not  unworthy  of  remark,  that  Aridotle* 
was  the  tutor  of  Alexander,  and  the  mod  fplendid 
editor  and  commentator  of  Homer.  As  we  mud 
judge  an  author  by  his  works,  it  is  but  fair  to  take 
into  vi'ew  the  whole  of  his  works.  Confider,  there 
fore,  as  a  political  ichool-madcr  to  the  world,  the 
forming  of  his  pupil,  and  the  illudrating  of  his  poet, 
are  the  greated  fruits  of  the  indudry  of  that  philo- 
fopher,  and  have  had  much  more  influence  on  the 
affairs  of  nations,  than  his  treat ife  that  bears  the 
name  of  fioliiics,. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  55 

Thefe  occupations  were  offered  by  the  church  and 
the  army  ;  and  as  the  former  was  permanent,  it 
was  thought  expedient  to  give  permanency  to  the 
latter.  Thus  the  military  fyltem  has  created  the 
nobleiie,  and  the  noblefle  the  military  fyftem. 
They  are  mutually  neceiTary  to  each  other's  exift- 
ence, — concurrent  and  reciprocal  caufes  and  ef- 
•  fefts,  generating  and  generated,  perpetuating  each 
other  by  interchangeable  wants,  and  both  indif- 
penfable  to  the  governing  power. 

Thofe  perfons,  therefore,  who  undertake  to  de 
fend  the  nobleffe  as  a  neceffary  order  in  the  great 
community  of  men,  ought  to  be  apprifed  f  the 
extent  of  their  undertaking.  They  muft,  in  the 
fir  ft  place,  defend  ft  an  ding  armies,  and  that  too 
upon  principles,  not  of  national  prudence,  as  re 
lative  to  the  circumftances  of  neighbours,  but  of 
internal  neceflity,  as  relative  only  to  the  organi 
zation  of  fociety.  They  muft,  at  the  fame  time, 
extend  their  arguments  to  the  increafe  of  thole  ar 
mies  ;  for  they  infallibly  muft  increafe  to  a  degree 
beyond  our  ordinary  calculation,  or  they  will  not 
anfwer  the  purpofe  ;  both  becaufe  the  number  of 
the  nobleffe,  or  "  the  men  of  the  fword"  (as  they 
are  properly  ftyled  by  their  friend  Burke,)  is  con- 
ftantly  augmenting,  and  becaufe  the  influence  of 
the  church  is  on  the  decline.  As  the  light  of 
philofophy  illuminates  the  world,  it  mines  in  up 
on  the  fecrets  of  government  ;  and  it  is  neccffary 
to  make  the  blind  as  broad  as  the  window,  or  the 
pafFengers  will  fee  what  is  doing  in  the  cabinet. 
The  means  of  impofition  muft  be  increafed  in 
the  army,  in  proportion  as  they  are  left  in  the 
church. 

Secondly,  they  muft  vindicate  war,  not  merely 
as  an  occurrence  of  fatality,  and  juftifiable  on  the 


56  ADVICE    TO    THF 


dcfeniive  ;   but  as  a  thing  of  choice,  as  being  the 
moil:  nutritions  aliment  of  that  kind  of  govern- 

o 

merit,  which  reqr>es  privileged  orders,  and  an 
army  :  for  it  is  no  great  figure  of  fpeech,  to  fay 
that  the  nobility  of  Europe,  are  always  fed  upon 
human  gore.  They  originated  in  war,  they  live 
by  war,  and  without  war  it  would  be  impoflible 
to  keep  them  from  ftarving.  Or,  to  drop  the 
figure  entirely,  if  mankind  were  left  to  the  peace 
able  purfuit  of  induflry,  the  titled  orders  would 
lofe  their  diflindion^,  mingle  with  fociety,  and 
;  become  reafonable  creatures. 

T'.'rclly,  they  mud  defend  the  honor  of  the 
occupation  which  is  allotted  to  the  noblefTe.  For 
thr-  age  is  becoming  extremely  fceptical  on  this 
fubjecfc  ;  there  are  heretics  in  the  world  (Mr. 
Burke  calls  them  athiefls)  who  affect  to  difbelieve 
that  men  v,  ere  made  exprefsly  for  the  purpofe  of 
cutting  each  other's  throats  ;  and  who  fay  that  it 
is  not  the  highefi  honour  that  a  man  can  arrive  at, 
to  fell  himfeif  to  another  maj  for  life,  at  a  cer 
tain  daily  price,  and  to  hold  himfeif  in  readinefs, 
night  and  day,  to  kill  individuals  or  nations,  at 
home  or  abroad,  without  ever  inquiring  the  caufe, 
Thefe  men  fay,  that  it  is  no  compliment  to  the 
judgment  or  humanity  of  a  man,  to  lead  fuch 
a  life  ;  and  they  do  not  fee  why  a  nobleman  fhould 
not  pbilefs  thefe  qualities  as  well  as  other  peo 
ple. 

Fourthly,  they  mult  prove  that  all  occupations* 
which  tend  to  life,  and  not  to  death,  are  difho- 
nourable  and  infamous,  Agriculture,  commerce, 
every  method  of  augmenting  the  means  of  fub- 
iiitence,  and  raifing  men  from  the  favage  flare, 
muft  be  held  ignoble  ;  or  elfe  men  of  honour  will 
forget  themfelves  fo  far,  as  to  engage  in  them.;. 


PRIVILEGED   ORDERS.  57 

and  then,  farewell  to  di(lin6lions.  The  National 
AfTembly  may  then  create  orders  as  fail  as  it  has 
ever  uncreated  them  ;  it  is  impoflible  for  nobility 
to  exifl  in  France,  or  in  any  other  country,  un- 
lefs  the  above  articles  are  firmly  defended  l>y 
arguments,  and  fixed  in  the  minds  of  mankind. 

It  feems  difficult  for  a  man  of  reflection  to 
write  one  page  on  the  fubject  o£  government, 
without  meeting  with  fome  old  eitab lifted  max 
ims,  which  are  not  only  lalfe,  but  which  are 
precifely  the  reverfe  of  truth.  Of  this  fort  is 
the  opinion, — that  inevitable  wars  in  modern 
times,  have  given  occafion  to  the  prefent  military 
fyftem,  and  that  (landing  armies  are  the  belt 
means  of  preventing  wars.  This  is  what  the 
people  of  Europe  are  commanded  to  believe. 
With  all  due  deference,  however,  to  their  com 
manders,  I  would  propofe  a  contrary  belief,  which 
I  will  venture  to  lay  down  as  the  true  (late  of 
the  fact  :  That  the  prefent  military  fyftem  has  been 
the  caufe  of  the  wars  of  modern  times,  and  thaiftand- 
ing  armies  are  the  beft,  if  not  the  only  means  of 
PROMOTING  mars.  This  pofition  has,  at  lea  ft, 
one  advantage  over  thofe  that  are  commonly  efta- 
blifhed  by  governments,  that  it  is  believed  by  him, 
who  propofes  itto  theaflent  of-others.  Men,  who 
cannot  command  the  power  of  the  (late,  ought  to 
enforce  their  doctrines  by  the  power  of  reafon. 

To  apply  this  maxim  to  the  cafe  now  before 
us  ;  let  us  afk,  What  Is  war  ?  and  on  what  pro- 
penfity  in  human  nature  does  it  red  ?  For  it  is  to 
MAN  that  we  are  to  trace  thefe  queftions,  and  not 
to  Princes  ;  we  mud  drive  them  iipt$  principle, 
not  flop  ihort  at  precedent  ;  and  endeavour  to  ufe 
our  fenfe,  inftead  of  parading  our  learning.  A- 
mong  individual  men,  or  favagcs  acting  in  a  deful- 


58  ADVICE    TO    THE 

tory  manner,  antecedent  to  the  formation  of  great 
focieties,  there  may  be  many  caufes  of  quarrels 
and  aHalTmaiions  ;  fuch  as  love,  jealonfy,  rapine, 
or  the  revenge  of  private  injuries.  But  thefe  do 
not  amount  to  the  idea  of  war.  War  fnppofes  a 
vafl  ailbciation  of  men  engaged  in  one  caufe,  ac- 
uiated  by  one  fpiiit,  and  carrying  on  a  bloody  coa 
ted  with  another  afTociation  in  a  (imilar  predica 
ment.  Few  of  the  motives  which  acluatc  private 
men  can  apply  at  once  to  fuch  a  multitude,  the 
greateft  part  of  which  muft  be  pcrfonal  Grangers 
to  each  other.  Indeed,  where  the  motives  are 
clearly  explained,  and  well  underftood  by  the  com 
munity  at  large,  fo  as  to  be  really  felt  by  the  peo 
ple,  there  is  but  one  of  the  ordinary  caufes  above 
mentioned,  which  can  acluate  fuch  a  body  ;  it  is 
rapine,  or  the  hope  of  enriching  themfelves  by 
plunder..  There  can  be  then  but  two  circum- 
flances  under  which  a  nation  will  commence  an 
offenfive  war:  either  the  people  at  large  muft  be 
thoroughly  convinced  that  they  (hall  be  perfonally 
rewarded,  not  only  \vn!»  conquefl,  but  with  a  vafl 
fhare  of  wealth  from  the  conquered  nation,  or 
elfe  they  muft  be  duped  into  the  war  by  thofe 
who  hold  the  reins  of  government.  All  motives 
for  national  offences  are  reduced  to  thefe  two,  and 
there  can  be  no  more.  The  fubjeft,  like  mofl 
others,  becomes  extremely  firople,  the  moment  it 
is  conlidered. 

And- how  many  of  the  wars  of  mankind  origi 
nate  in  the  fir  ft  of  thefe  motives  r  Among  civili 
zed  nations,  none.  A  people  considerably 
numerous,  approaching  towards  ideas  of  fober 
policy,  and  beginning  to  tafte  the  fruits  of  induf- 
trv,  require  but  little  experience  to  convince 
themfelves  of  the  following  truths.— that  no  be- 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  ^g 

nefit  can  be  derived  to  the  great  body  of  individu 
als  from  conqueft,  though  it  were  certain — that 
this  event  is  always  doubtful,  and  the  decifion  to 
be  dreaded, — that  nine  tenths' of  the  lories  in  all 
wars  are  a  clear  lofs  to  both  parties,  .being  funk 
in  expences, — that  the  remaining  tenth  neceffarily 
comes  in  the  hands  of  the  principle  managers, 
2nd  produces  a  real  misfortune  even  to  the  victo 
rious  party,  by  giving  them  matters  at  home,  in- 
itead  of  riches  from  abroad. 

The  pitiful  idea  of  reading  ourfelves  on  a  com- 
parifonof  fufFering,  and  balancing  our  own  lodes 
by  thofe  of  the  enemy,  is  a-ftratagem  of  govern 
ment,  a  calculation  of  cabinet  arithmetic.  Indi 
viduals  reafon  not  in  this  manner.  A  diftreflt-d 
mother  in  England,  reduced  from  a  full  to  a 
fcanty  diet,  and  bewailing  the  lofs  of  her  fon, 
receives  no  confolation  from  being  told  of  a  wo 
man  in  France,  whofe  fon  fell  in  the  fame  battle, 
and  that  the  taxes  are  equally  increafed  in  both 
countries  by  the  fame  war.  But  Kings,  and 
minifters,  and  Generals,  and  hillorians  proclaim, 
as  a  glorious  conteft,  every  war  which  appears  to 
have  been  as  fatal  to  the  enemy  as  to  their  own 
party,  though  one  half  of  each  nation  are  flaugh- 
tered  in  the  field,  and  the  other  half  reduced  to 
ibvery.  This  is  one  of  the  bare-faced  impositions 
with  which  mankind  are  perpetually  infuhed,  and 
which  call  upon  us,  in  the  name  of  humanity,  to 
piirfue  this  enquiry  into  the  caufes  of  war. 

The  hiiiory  of  ancient  Rome,  from  beginning 
to  end,  under  all  its  Kinss,  Coniuls,  and  Em 
perors,  "furnilhes  not  a  finale'  i»;(tan>:c,  af'er  the 
conqueft  of  the  Subines,  of  what  may  properly  be 
called  a  popular  offer) five  war  :  I  mean  a  war  that 
would  huvc  been  undertaken  by  the  people,  had 


60  ADVICE    TO    THE 

they  enjoyed  a  free  government,  fo  organized  as 
to  have  enabled  them  to  deliberate  before  they 
adted,  and  to  fuffer  nothing  to  be  carried  into  exe 
cution  but  the  national  will. 

The  fame  may  be  faid  of  modern  Europe,  after 
a  correfponding  period  in  the  progrefs  of  nations ; 
which  period  mould  be  placed  at  the  very  com 
mencement  of  civilization.  Perhaps  after  the 
fettlcment  of  the  Saracens  in  Spain,  the  Lombards 
in  Italy,  the  Franks  in  Gaul,  and  the  Saxons  in 
England,  we  mould  have  heard  no  more  of  off  en- 
live  operations,  had  they  depended  on  the  unin 
fluenced  willies  of  the  people.  For  we  are  not 
to  regard  as  cffenfive  the  druggies  of  a  nation  for 
the  recovery  of  liberty. 

What  an  inconceivable  mafs  of  llaughter  are 
we  then  to  place  to  the  other  account  ;  to  dark, 
unequal  government  !  to  the  magical  powers,  pof- 
fefTed  by  a  few  men,  of  blinding  the  eyes  of  the 
community,  and  leading  the  people  to  deftruclion, 
by  thofe  who  are  called  their  fathers  and  their 
friends  !  Thefe  operations  could  not  be  carried  on, 
for  a  long  time  together,  in  ages  tolerably  en 
lightened,  without  a  permanent  refource.  As 
long  as  the  military  conditions  of  feudal  tenures 
remained  in  full  vigour,  they  were  fure  to  furnilh 
the  means  of  deftrucYion  to  follow  the  will  of  the 
fovereign  ;  but  as  the  afperities  of  this  fyftem  fof- 
tened  away  by  degrees,  it  feems  that  governments 
were  threatened  with  the  neceflity  of  applying  to 
the  people  at  large  for  voluntary  enlifttnents,  and 
contributions  in  money  ;  on  which  application  the 
purpofe  gaud  be  declared.  This  would  be  too  di- 
reft  an  appeal  to  the  confciences  of  men  on  a  quef- 
tiun  of  often  five  war,  and  was,  if  poflible,  to  be 
avoided.  For  even  the  power  of  the  church,  pro- 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  6l 

vidcd  there  was  no  queftion  of  .herefy,  could  not 
be  always  relied  on,  to  ftimulate  the  people  to  a 
quarrel  with  their  neighbours  of  the  fame  faith  ; 
and  {till  lefs  was  it  fure  of  inducing  them  to  part 
with  their  money.  The  expedient,  therefore,  of 
landing  armies  became  neceffary  ;  and  perhaps 
rather  on  account  of  the  money  than  the  men. — • 
Thus  money  is  required  to  levy  armies,  and  ar 
mies  to  levy  money  ;  and  foreign  wars  are  intro 
duced  as  the  pretended  occafion  for  both. 

One  general  character  will  apply  to  much  the 
greater  part  of  the  wars  of  modern  times, — they 
are  political,  and  not  vindictive.  This  alone  is 
Sufficient  to  account  for  their  real  origin.  They 
are  wars  of  agreement,*  rather  than  of  diflention  ; 
and  the  conqueft  is  taxes,  and  not  territory.  To 
carry  on  this  bufmefs,  it  is  neceirary  not  only  to 
keep  up  the  military  fpirit  of  the  noblefle  by  titles 
and  penfions,  and  to  keep  in  pay  a  vaft  number  of 
troops,  who  know  no  other  God  but  their  king  ; 
who  Jofe  all  ideas  of  themfelves,  in  contemplating 
their  officers  ;  and  who  forget  the  duties  of  a  man, 
to  pradlife  thofe  of  a  foldier, — this  is  but  half  the 

*  Whenever  the  real  fecret  hi-ftory  of  the  En- 
glifh  and  Spanifh  armaments  of  1790  {"hall  be  pub- 
h fried  to  the  world,  though  it  may  not  furnifh  new 
arguments  to  men  of  reflection  for  di drafting  politi 
cal  cabinets,  it  may  at  lead  increafe  the  number  of 
fuch  men.  But  this  cannot  be  done  with  iafety 
during  the  lives  of  iome  of  the  principal  aftoi  s  in  that 
aftonilhing  piece  of  audacity.  I  am  convinced,  that 
the  perion,  who  at  this  moment  ihould  <io  it,  would 
not  lurvive  the  publication  fo  long  aspopeGaaganclli 
did  the  fuppreflion  of  the  Jefuits. 
F 


62  ADVICE    TO    THE 


operation :  an  effential  part  of  the  military  fyftem 
is  to  difarm  the  people,  to  hold  all  the  functions 
of  war,  as  well  the  arm  that  executes,  as  the  will 
that  declares  it,  equally  above  their  reach.  This 
part  of  the  fyftem  has  a  double  effect,  it  palfies  the 
hand  and  brutalizes  the  mind  :  an  habitual  difufe 
of  phyfical  forces  totally  deftroys  the  moral  ;  and 
men  lofe  at  once  the  power  of  protecting  them- 
felves,  and  of  difcerning  the  caufe  of  their  oppref- 
fion. 

It  is  almcft  ufelefs  to  mention  the  conclufions 
•which  every  rational  mind  mud  draw  from  thefe 
confiderations.     But  though  they  are  too  obvious 
to  be  miftaken,   they  are  ftill  too  important  to  be 
pa^Ted  over  in  filence  ;  for   we  feem  to  be  arrived 
at  that  epoch  in  human  affairs,  when  "  all  ufeful 
id; -.«,  and  truths  the  moil  neceflary  to  the  h?ppi- 
,icfs  of  mankind,  are  no  longer  exclufively  deftined 
to  adorn  the   pages  of  a  book*."     Nations,  wear 
ied  out  with  impoftwre  begin   to  provide  for   the 
fafety  of  man,  inftead  of  purfuing  his  deft  ruction. 
I  will  mention asoneconclufion,  which  bids  fair 
to  be  a  practical  one,  that  the  way  to  prevent  wars 
is  net  merely   to   change    the    military    fyftem  ; 
for   that,  like  the  church,  is  a  neceiTary  part  of 
governments  as  they   now   ftand,  and  of  fociety 
as  now  organized  :   but  the  principle  of  government 
muft  be  completely  changed  ;  and  the  confequence 
of  this  will  be  fuch  a  total  renovation  of  fociety, 
as  to  baniih  (landing  armies,  overturn  the  military 
fyftem,  and  exclude  the  poflibility  of  war. 

Only  admit  the  original,  unalterable  truth,  that 
all  men  are  equal  in  their  rights,  and  the  foundation 
of  every  thing  is  laid  ;  to  build  the  fuperftructure 

*   L' Ambl&  Nation ae. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  63. 

requires  no  effort  but  that  of  natural  deduction. 
The  firft  necerlary  deduction  will  be,  that  the 
people  will  form  an  equal  reprefentative  govern 
ment  ;  in  which  it  will  be  impoilible  for  orders  or 
privileges  to  exift  for  a  moment ;  and  confequently 
the  firft  materials  for  (landing  armies  will  be 
converted  into  peaceable  members  of  the  Hate. 
Another  deduction  follows,  That  the  people  will 
be  univerfally  armed  :  they  will  aflume  thofe 
weapons  for  fecurity,  which  the  art  of  war  has 
invented  for  definition.  You  wilt  then  have 
removed  the  neceffity  of  a  (landing  army  by  the 
organization  of  the  legiflature,  and  the  pofflbllity 
of  it  by  the  arrangement  of  the  militia;  for  it 
is  as  impoflible  for  an  armed  foldierv  to  exift 'in1 
an  armed  nation,  as  fo>r  a  nobility  to  exift  under 
an  equal  government. 

It  is  curious  to  remark  how  ill  we  reafon  on  - 
human  nature,  from  being  accuftomed  to  view  it 
under  the  difguife  which  the  unequal  governments 
of  the  world  have  impofed  upon  it.  During  the 
American  war,  and  eipecially  towards  its  clofe, 
General  Wafnington  might  be  faid  to  pofTefs  the 
hearts  of  all  the  Americans.  His  recommenda 
tion  was  law,  and  he  was  able  to  command  the 
whole  power  of  that  people  for  any  purpofe  of 
defence.  The  philofophers  of  Europe  confidered 
this  as  a  dangerous  crifis  to  the  caufe  of  freedom. 
They  knew  from  the  example  of  Caefar,  and  Sylla, 
and  Marius,  and  Alcibiadts,3  and  Pericles,  and 
Cromwell,  that  Wafhington  would  never  lay 
clown  his  arms,  till  he  had  given  his  country  a 
mafter.  But  after  he  did  lay  them  down,  then 
came  the  miracle, — his  virtue  was  cried  up  to  be 
more  than  human  ;  and  it  is  by  this  miracle  c:c 
F  2 


ADVICE    TO    THE 


virtue  in  him,  that  the  Americans  are  fdppcfed  to 
enjoy  their  liberty  at  this  day. 

I  believe  the  virtue  of  that  great  man  to  be 
equal  to  any  that  has  ever  yet  been  known  ;  but 
to  an  American  eye  no  extraordinary  portion  of  it 
could  appear  in  that  tranfaclion.  It  would  have 
been  impcflible  for  the  General  or  the  army  TO 
have  continued  in  the  field  after  the  enemy  left  j^; 
for  the  foldiers  were  all  citizens  ;  and  if  it  had 
been  otherwife,  their  numrers  were  not  the 
hundredth  part  of  the  citizens  at  large,  who  were 
allfofrtiers.  To  fay  that  he  was  wife  in  difcern- 
ing  the  impoflibility  of  fuccefs  in  an  attempt  to 
imitate  the  great  heroes  above  mentioned,  is  to 
give  him  only  the  fame  merit  for  fagacity  which 
is  common  to  every  other  perfon  who  knows  that 
country,  or  who  has  well  confidered  the  effeds  of 
equal  liberty. 

Though  infinite  praife  is  due  to  the  conftituent 
'aflembly  of  France  for  the  temperate  reiblution 
and  manly  firmnefs  which  mark  their  operations 
in  general  ;  yet  it  mud  be  confefled  that  fome  of 
their  reforms  bear  the  marks  of  too  timorous  a 
Jiand.  Preferving  an  heriditary  King  with  a  tre- 
inenduous  accumulation  of  powers,  and  providing 
an  unnecefTary  number  of  priefls  to  be  paid  from 
the  national  purfe,  and  furnifned  with  the  means 
of  rebuilding  the  half-deftroyed  ruins  of  the  hier 
archy,  are  circumftances  to  be  pardoned  for  reafons 
which  I  have  already  hinted.  But  the  enormous 
military  force,  which  they  have  decreed  fhail 
remain  as  a  permanent  eftablifhment,  appears  to 
me  not  only  unneceffary,  and  even  dangerous  to 
liberty,  but' totally  and  directly  fubverfive  of  the 
*nd  they  had  in  view.  Their  objects  were  the 
of  the  frontiers  and  the  tranquility  of  the 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS,  65 

ftate  ;  the  feverfe  of  this  will  be  the  effeft, — not 
perhaps  that  this  army  will  be  turned  againft  the 
people,  or  involve  the  (late  in  offenfive  wars. 
On  the  contrary,  fuppofe  that  it  fan  ply  and  faith 
fully  defends  the  frontiers  and  protects  the  people  ; 
this  defence  and  this  protection  are  the  evils  of 
which  I  complain.  They  tend  to  weaken  the 
iralJcn,  by  dcadning  the  fpirit  of  the  people,  and 
teaching  them  to  look  up  to  others  for  protection, 
inftead  of  depending  on  their  own  invincible  arm, 
A  people  that  legiflate  for  themfelves  ought  to  be 
in  the  habit  of  prote&ing  themfelves;  or  they 
will  lefe  the  fpirit  of  both.  A  knowledge  of  their 
GvfnJJrength  preferves  a  temperance  in  their  own 
wifdom,  and  the  performance  of  their  duties  gives 
a  value  to  their  rights. 

This  is  likewife  the  way  to  increafe  the  folid 
domeftic  force  of  a  nation,  to  a  degree  far  beyond 
any  ideas  we  form  of  a  (landing  army  ;  and  at 
the  fame  time  to  annihilate  its  capacity  as  well  as 
inclination  for  foreign  aggreiuVe  hollilities.  The 
true  guarantee  of  perpetual  tranquility  at  home  and 
abroad,  in  fuch  a  cafe,  would  arife  from  this 
truth,  which  would  pafs  into  an  incontrovertible 
maxim,  that  offensive  operations  would  be  impofjible^ 
and  defcrjlvc  ones  infallible. 

This  is  undoubtedly  the  true  and  only  fecret  of 
exterminating  wars  from  the  face  of  the  earth  ; 
and  it  mud  afford  no  fmall  degree  of  confolation 
to  every  friend  of  humanity,  to  find  this  imfpeak- 
able  Bluffing  refill  tins  from  that  equal  mode  of 
government,  .which  alone  fcciires  every  other  en 
joyment  for  which  mankind  unite  their  interefts 
in  fociety.  Politicians,  and  even  fonietimes 
huruift  me::,  are  accuftomed  to  fpeak.of  war  as  an; 


66  ADVICE    TO    THE 

uncontroulable  event,  falling  on  the  human  race 
like  a  concuflion  of  the  elements, — a  fcourge 
which  admits  no  remedy  ;  but  for  which  we-muft 
wait  with  trembling  preparation,  as  for  an  epi 
demical  difeafe,  whofe  force  we  may  hope  to 
lighten,  but  can  never  avoid.  They  fay  that 
mankind  are  wicked  and  rapacious, 'and  "  it  rnufl 
be  that  offences  will  come."  This  reafon  applies 
to  individuals  ;  but  not  to  nations  deliberately 
fpeaking  a  national  voice.  I  hope  I  mail  not  be 
underftood  to  mean,  that  the  nature  of  man  is 
totally  changed  by  living  in  a  free  'republic.  I 
allow  that  it  is  ilill  interefled  men  and  pcffionctie 
men,  that  direft  the  affairs  of  the  world.  But  in 
national  aflemblies,  paffion  is  loft  in  deliberation, 
and  intereft  balances  tittered  ;  till  the  good  of  the 
whole  community  combines  the  general  will. 
Here  then  is  a  great  moral  entity,  afting  (till  from 
interefred  motives  ;  but  whofe  intereft  it  never 
can  be,  in  any  r  oilible  combination  of  circumftan- 
ces,  to  commence  an  offenfive  wrar. 

There  is  another  conflderation,  from  which  we 
may  argue  the  total  extinction  of  wars,  as  a  ne- 
cefiary  confequer/ce  of  eftablifhing  governments  on 
the  reprefentative  wifdom  of  the  people.  We  are 
all  fenfible  that  fuperftition  is  a  blemifh  of  human 
nature,  by  no  means  confined  to  fubjecls  c.>nne6led 
with  religion.  Political  fuperftition  is  almoft  as 
ftrong  as  religious  ;  and  it  is  quite  as  univerfally 
ufed  as  an  instrument  of  tyranny.  To  enumerate 
the  variety  of  ways  in  which  this  inftrument  ope 
rates  on  the  mind,  would  be  more  difficult,  than 
to  form  a  general  idea  of  the  refult  of  its  opera 
tions.  In  monarchies,  it  induces  men  to  fpill 
their  blood  for  a  particular  family,  or  for  a  par- 
hnilar  branch  of- that  family,  .who  happens  to 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  67 

have  been  born  fir  ft,  or  laft,  or  to  have  been 
taught  to  repeat  a  certain  creed,  in  preference  to 
other  creeds.  But  the  effect  which  I  am  going 
chiefly  to  notice  is  that  which  refpecls  the  territo 
rial  boundaries  of  a  government.  For  a  man  in 
Portugal  or  Spain  to  prefer  belonging  to  one  of 
thofe  nations  rather  than  the  other,  is  as  much  a 
fu perdition,  as  to  prefer  the  honfc  of  Braganza  to 
thdtfof  Bourbon,  or  Mary  the  fecond  of  England 
to  her  brother.  All  thefe  fubje&s  of  preference 
(land  upon  the  fame  footing  as  the  turban  and  the 
hat,  the  crofs  and  the  crefcenr,  or  the  lily  and  the 
rofe. 

The  boundaries  of  nations  have  been  fixed  for 
the  accommodation  of  the  government,  without  the 
leaf!  regard  to  the  convenience  of  the  people. 
Kings  and  minifters,  viho  make  a  profitable  trade 
of  governing,  sre  interefted  in  extending  the  limits 
of  their  dominion  as  far  as  pcfliblc.  ^  They  have  a 
property  in  the  people,  and  in  the  territory  that 
they  cover.  The  country  and  its  inhabitants  are  to 
them  a  farm  (locked  with  fheep.  When  they  call 
up  thefe  fheep  to  be  (beared,  they  teach  them  to 
know  their  names,  to  follow  their  m after,  and 
avoid  a  ftranger.  By  this- unaccountable  impoiiticn 
it  is,  that  men  are  led  from  one  extravagant  felly 
to  another, — to  adore  their  King,  to  boa  ft  i-f  their- 
nation,  and  to  wifh  for  conqweft, — circumftances 
equally  ridiculous  in  themfelves,.  and  equally  in 
compatible  with  that  rational  eftimation  of  things, 
whicn  arifes  from  the  fcience  of  liberty. 

In  America  it  is  not  fo.  Among  the  feveral 
dates,  the  governments  are  all  equal  in  their  force, 
and  the  people  are  all  equal  in  their  rights. 
Were  it  poflible  for  one  State  to  conquer  another 
Si  ate,  withcut  any  expence.of  money,  or  of  time, 


68 


ADVICE    TO    THE 


or  of  blood, — neither  of  the  States,  nor  a  fingJe 
individual  in  cither  of  them,  would  be  richer  or 
poorer  for  the  event.  The  people  would  all  be 
upon  their  own  lands,  and  engaged  in  their  own 
occupations,  as  before  ;  and  whether  the  terri 
tory  on  which  they  live  were  called  New  York 
or  Mafiachufelts  is  a  matter  of  total  'indifference,. 
about  which  they  have  no  fu'perfHtion.  For^fce 
people  belong  not  to  the  government,  but  the  go 
vernment  belongs  to  the  people. 

Since  the  independance  of  th'ofe  States,  many 
territorial  difputes  have  been  fettled,  which  had 
i Ken  from  the  interference  of  their  ancient  char 
ters.  The  interference  of  charters  is  a  kind  of 
policy  which;  I  fuppofe,.  every  mother  country 
ohferves  towards  her  colonies,  in  order  to  give 
them  a  fubjecl:  of  contention  ;  that  fhe  may  have 
the  opportunity  of  keeping  all  parties  quiet  by  the 
parental  blefliflg  of  a  (landing  army.  But  on  the 
banifhmeni  of  foreign  control,  and  all  ideas  of 
European  policy,  the  enjoyment  of  equal  liberty 
has  taught  the  Americans  the  fecret  of  fettling 
thefe  difputes,  with  as  much  calmneis  as  they  have 
formed  their  conftitutions.  It  is  found,  that 
queftions  about  the  boundaries  between  free  States- 
are  not  matters  of  intereft,  but  merely  of  form 
and  convenience.  And  though  thefe  quefticns 
may  involve  a  traft  of  country  equal  to  an  Euro 
pean  kingdom,  it  alters  not  the  cafe  ;  they  are 
fettled  as  merchants  fettle  the  ccurfe  of  exchange 
between  two  commercial  dues.  Several  iriftan- 
ce>  have  occured,  fince  the  revolution.,  of  deci 
ding  in  a  few  days,  by  amicable  arbitration, 
territorial  difputes,  which  determine  the  jurifdic- 
ihon  of  .larger  and,  richer  tradls  of  country,  than  \ 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS,  69 

have  formed  the  objecls  of  all  the  wars  of  the  two 
lail  centuries  between  France  am!  Germany. 

It  is  needlefs  to  fpend  any  time  in  applying  this 
idea  to  the  circumrtances  of  all  countries,  where 
the  government  fhould  be  freely  and  habitually  in 
thehandsofthepeople.lt  would  applytoall  Europe; 
and  will  apply  to  it,  asfoon  as  a  revolution  fhall  take 
placd  in  the  principle  of  government.  For  fuch 
a  revolution  cawnot  flop  fhort  of  fixing  the  power 
of  the  State  on  the  bafis  allotted  by  nature,  the 
unalienable  rights  of  man  ;  which  are  the  fame 
in  all  countries.  It  will  eradicate  the  fuperflitions 
about  territorial  jurifdidtiorr ;  and  this  confidera- 
tion  rmift  promife  an  additional  fecurity  againit 
the  poilibility  of  war. 


C  H  A  P.     IV. 


THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUST  1 


IT 


would  be  a  curious  fpeculation,  and  perhaps 
as  ufeful  as  curious,  to  confider  how  far  the  moral 
nature  of  man  is  affected  by  the  organization  of 
fociety  ;  and  to  what  degree  his  predominant 
qualities  depend  on  the  nature  of  the  government 
under  which  he  lives.  The  adage,  That  men  ore 
every  zt'/^tt'  the  fame,  though  not  wholly  falfe,  would 
doubtlefs  be  found  to  be  true  only  in  a  limited  fenfe. 


70  ADVICE    TO    THE 

I  love  to  indulge  the  belief,  that  it  is  true  fo  far 
as  to  enfure  permanency  to  inftitutions  that  are 
good  ;  but  not  fo  far  as  to  difcourage  us  from 
attempting  to  reform  thofe  that  are  bad.  To 
consider  it  is  true  in  an  nnlymited  fenfe,  would 
be  to  ferve  the  purpofes  of  defpotifm  ;  for  which 
this,  like  a  thoufand  other  maxims,  has  been 
invented  and  employed.  It  would  teach  4p  to 
fit  down  with  a  gloomy  fatisfacStion  on  the  '{late 
of  human  affairs,  to  pronounce  the  race  of  man 
emphatically*'  fated  to  be  curd,''  a  community 
of  fc  If- tor  mentors  and  mutual  affafTins,  bound 
down  by  the  irrefiilible  deftiny  of  their  nature  to 
be  , robbed  of  their  rcafon  by  priefts,  and  plun 
dered  of  their  property  by  Kings.  It  would  teach 
us  to  join  with  S;;ame  Jenyns,  and  furniili  new 
weapons  to  the  oppreilbrs,  by  our  manner  of 
pitying  the  misfortunes  of  the  oppreiled. 

In  confirmation  of  this  adage,  and  as  xn  ape- 
logy  for  the  exilling  defpotifms,  it  is  faid,  That 
all  men  are  by  nature  tyrants,  and  will  exercife 
their  tyrannies  whenever  they  find  opportunity. 
Allowing  this  aflfertion  to  be  true,  it  is  furely 
cited  by  the  wrong  party.  It  is  an  apology  for 
erjua},  not  for  unequal  governments  ;  and  the 
weaprn  belongs  10  thofe  who  contend  for  the 
republican  principle.  If  government  be  founded 
on  the  vices  c.f  n -ankind,  its  buGnefs  is  to  reftrain 
thofe  vices  in  all,  rather  than  to  fofter  them  in  a 
few.  The  difpofition  to  tyrannize  is  eflcctually 
retrained  under  the  exercife  of  the  equality  of 
rights  ;  while  it  is  not  only  rewarded  in  the  few, 
but  i/ivigorated  in  the  many,  under  all  other  forms 
of  the  focial  connexion.  But  it  is  almoft  impofH- 
ble  to  decide,  among  moral  propenfities,  which  of 
of  them  btlcng  to  nature,  and  which  are  the  off- 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  71 


fpringof  habit ;  how  many  of  our  vices  are  charg- 
able  on  the  permanent  qualities  of  man,  and  how 
many  refult  from  the  mutable  energies  of  ftate. 
It  it  be  in  the  power  of  a  bad  government  to 
render  men  worfe  than  nature  has  made  them, 
why  fhould  we  fay  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  a  good 
one  to  render  them  better  ?  and  if  the  latter  be 
cap^le  of  producing  this  effect  in  any  perceiva 
ble  degree,  where  mail  we  limit  the  progrefs  of 
human  wifdom,  and  the  force  of  its  inftitmion?, 
in  ameliorating,  not  only  the  focial  condition, 
but  the  controlling  principles  of  man  ? 

Among  the  component   parts  of  government, 
that,  wkofe  operation  is   the  moft    direct  on  the 
moral  habit  ot  life,  is  the   Adminiftration  of  Ju- 
flice.      In  this  every  perfon  has  a  peculiar  ifolated 
intereft,    which    is    almoft    detached     from     the 
common     fympathies    of    fociety.        It    it    this 
which     operates    with    a    fingular    concentrated 
energy,    collecting  the   whole  force    of  the  (late 
from    the   community     at    large,    and     bringing 
it  to  act  upon  a  fingle  individual,  affecting   his 
life,  reputation,  or  property  ;   fo  that  the  govern 
ing  power  may  fay  with  peculiar  propriety  to  the 
minifter  of  juftice,  divide  et  impera  ;   for,   in  cafe 
of  opprellion,  the  victim's  cries  will  be  too  feeble 
to  excite  oppofnion  ;  his  caufe    having  nothing  in 
common  with  that  of  the  citizens  at  large.      If, 
therefore,  we   would  obtain  ?.n  idea  of  the  condi 
tion  of  men  on  any  given  portion  of  the  earth,  we 
muft    pay  a   particular  attention  to  their  judiciary 
fyftem,    not  in   its  form  and  theory,    but  in  irw 
fpirit  and   practice.      It  may  be  fa  id  in  general  of 
this  part  of  the  civil  polity  of  a  nation,  thaf.  as  it 
i-  a  (tream  flowing  from  the  common  fountain  of 
the  government,    and   rntift  be  tinged  wiih  what- 


72  ADVICE    TO    THE 


ever  impurities  are  found  in  the  fource  from 
whence  it  defcends,  the  only  hope  of  cleanfmg  the 
ftream  is  by  purifying  the  fountain. 

If  I  were  able  to  give  an  energetic  fketch  of  the 

office  and  dignity    of  a    rational  fyttem  of  jurif- 

prtidence,  defcribe  the  full  extent  of  its   effl-6ls  on 

the  happinefs  of  men,  and   then  exhibit  the  per- 

verfions    and  corruptions   attendant    on  this  Ijfcfi- 

nefs    in    moft  of  the  governments  of  Europe,   it 

would  furuifhone  of  the  moil  powerful  arguments 

in  favour  of  a  general   revolution,  and   afford  no 

frnall   confolation    to  thofe  perfons  who  look  for- 

word  with  certainty   to   fuch   an  event.     But  my 

plan  embraces  too  many  fubjecls,  to  be  particular 

on    any  ;  all   that  I  can  promife  myfelf  is  to  feize 

the    rough    features   of    fy Items,     and    mark    the 

moral  attitudes  of  man  as  placed   in  the  neceifary 

pofrure  to  fupport  them. 

It  is  generally  under  flood,  that  the  object  of 
government,  in  this  part  of  its  adminiftrauon,  is 
merely  to  reft  rain  the  vices  of  men.  But  there  is 
another  object  prior  to  this  :  an  office  more  facred, 
and  equally  indifpenfable,  is  to  prevent  their  vices, 
— to  correft  them  in  their  origin,  or  eradicate 
them  totally  from  t1  e  adolefcerit  mind.  The  lat 
ter  is  performed  by  inft ruction,  the  former  by 
coercion  ;  the  one  is  the  tender  duty  of  a  father, 
the  other,  the  unrelenting  drudgery  of  a  mailer  ; 
but  both  are  the  bufinef-  of  government,  and  ought 
to  be  made  concurrent  branches  of  the  fyftem  of 
junTpnidence. 

The  abfurd  and  abominable  doctrine,  that  pri 
vate  vices  are  public  hneftSy  it  is  hoped  will  be 
blotted  from  the  memory  of  man,  expunged  from 
the  catalogue  of  human  follies,  with  the  fy  items 
of  government  whicb  gave  it  birth.  The  ground 


PRiVILEGED    OJR0ERS.  53 

of  this  infulting  doctrine  is,  that  advantage  may 
be  taken  of  the  extravagant  foibles  of  individuals 
to  increafe  the  revenues  of  the  State  ;  as  if  the 
chief  end  of  fociety  were,  to  (teal  money  for  the 
government's  purfe  I  to  be  fquandered  by  the  go 
vernors,  to  render  the.n  more  infolent  in  their 
oppreflions  !  it  is  humiliating,  to  anfwer  fuch 
arguments  as  thefe  ;  where  we  muft  lay  open  the 
in  oft  degrading  retreats  of  proftituted  logic,  to 
difcover  the  pofitions  on  which  they  are  founded. 
But  Orders  and  Privileges  will  lead  to  any  thing  : 
once  teach  a  imn,  that  fome  are  born  to  command 
find  oilers  to  be  commanded  ;  arid  after  that,  there 
is  no  camel  too  big  for  him  to  fwallow. 

This  idea  of  the  objects  to  be  kept  in  view  by 
the  fyftem  of  Jtiftice,  involving  in  it  the  bufmefs 
of  prevention  as  well  as  of  reftrict-ion,  leads  us  to 
fome  obfervations  on  the  particular  fubject  of  cri 
minal  jurifprudence.  Ev^ry  fociety,  confidered 
in  itfelf  as  a  moral  and  phyfical  entity,  has  the  un 
doubted  faculty  of  felf-prefervation.  It  is  an 
independent  being  ;  and,  towards  other  beings  in 
like  circumftances  of  independence,  it  has  a  riglu: 
to  ufe  this  faculty  of  defending  itfelf,  without 
previous  notice  to  the  party  ;  or  without  the  ob- 
fervance  of  any  duty,  but  that  of  abftaining  from 
offenilve  operations.  But  when  it  acls  towards 
the  members  of  its  own  family,  towards  thofe 
dependent  and  defencelefs  beings  that  make  part 
of  itfelf,  the  right  of  coercion  is  preceded  by  the 
duty  of  infiruclion.  It  may  be  fa f fly  pronounced, 
it) fit  a  State  has  no  right  to  pu&ljb  a  many  to  whom  it 
vas  given  no  previous  inflruction  ;  and  confequently,, 
any  perfon  has  a  ri^ht  to  do  any  action,  unlefs  he 
has  been  informed  that  it  has  an  evil  tendency. 
G 


74  ADVICE    TO    THE 


It  is  true,  that,  as  relative  to  particular  cafes, 
the  having  given  this  information  is  a  thing  that 
the  fociety  muft  fcmetimes  prefume^  and  is  not 
always  obliged  to  prcve.  But  thefe  cafes  are  rare, 
and  ought  never  to  form  a  general  rule.  This 
prefumption  has,  however,  pafied  into  a  general 
rule,  and  is  adopted  as  univerfal  practice.  With 
•what  jufiice  or  propriety  it  is  fo  adopted,  a  Very 
little  refleclion  will  enable  us  to  decide. 

The  great  out-lines  of  morality  are   extremely 
fimple   and   eafy  to  be  underftood  ;  they  may  be 
faid  to  be  written  on  the  heart  of  a  man  antece 
dent  to   his  ailbciating  with  his  fellow-creatures. 
-As  a  felf-dependent   being  he   is   felf-inftructed  ; 
and  as  long  as  he  fhouid  remain  a  fimple  child  of 
nature ,  he  would  receive    from  nature  all  the  lef- 
ibns  neceffary  to  his  condition.     He  would  be  a 
complete   moral  agent  ;  and  fhouid   he  violate  the 
rights  of  another  independent   man  like  himlelf, 
he  would  fin  againft   fufficient  light,  to  merit  any 
punifhment  that   the  offended   party  might  inflicT: 
upon  him.     J$\M  fociety  cpens  upon  us  a   new  field 
of  contemplation  ;  it  furniihes  man  with  another 
clafs  of  rights,  and    impofes  upon    him   an  addi 
tional   fyftem  of  duties  ;  it  enlarges  the   fphere  of 
his  moral  agency,  and  makes  him  a  kind  of  arti 
ficial    being,     propelling   and  propelled    by    new 
dependencies,     in    which    nature    can    no   longer 
ferve  him  as   a  guide.     Being  removed    from  her 
rudimental   fchcol,  and  entered  in  the   college   of 
fociety,  he   is  called  to  encounter  problems  which 
the  elementary  tables  of  his  heart  will  not  always 
enable  him   Co  folve.     Society  then  ought   to   be 
confident  with  herfelf  in  her  own  inftitutions ;  if 
fhe  /ketches  the  lines  of  his  duty  with  a  variable 
pencil,  too  flight  for  his  natural  perception,  fhe 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  75- 

/hould  lend  him  her  optical  glares  to  difcern  them, 
if  ilie  takes  the  ferule  in  one  hand,  ine  is  bound  to 
life  the  fefcue  with  the  other. 

We  muft  obferve  farther, — that  though  fociety 
itf  elf  be  a  ftate  of  nature,  as  relative  to  the  nation 
at  large, — though  it  be  a  ftate  to  which  mankind 
naturally  recur  to  fatisty  their  wants  and  increafe 
the' -Ann  of  their  happinefs, — though  all  its  laws 
and  regulations  may  be  perfectly  reafonable,  and 
calculated  to  promote  the  good  ok  the  whole, — yet, 
•with  regard  to  an  ir.divi'.l,,.::i  member,  his  having 
'csnfented  to  thefe  laws,  or  even  chofe  to  live  in  the 
iociety,  1.3  but  zj?£fi6trl  and  a  rigid  difcipline, 
founded  on  a  fidiion,  is  furcly  hard  upon  its  ob- 
j-'cl:.  In  ginoral  it  imy  be  fa  id,  that  a  man, 
comes  in(o  fociety  by  birth  ;  he  neither  confents 
nor  di items  refpe6ting  his  relative  condition  :  lie 
fir  (I  opens  his  eyes  on  that  (late  of  human  aifairn 
in  which  the  interefls  of  his  moral  aflbciates  are 
infThitdy  complicated  ;  with  thefe  his  duties  are 
fo  blended  and  intermingled,  that  nature  can  give 
him  br.t  Mule  affiilance  in  finding  them  out.  His 
morality  itfelf  muft  be  arbitrary.;  it  mult  be  varied 
at  every  moment,  to  comprehend  fome  local  and 
pofitive  regulation  ;  his  fcicnce  is  todie^in  where 
that  of  preceding  ages  kas  ended;  his  alpha  is 
their  omega  ;  and  he  is  called  upon  to  acl  by  in- 
kinct  what  t'ncv  liave  but  learnt  to  do  from  the 
experience  of  id!  mankind.  Natural  reafon  in?.y 
teach  ir.e  p.^-t  to  iirike  my  neighbour  without  a 
caufe  ;  but  it  \viil  never  forbid  my  fending  a  fack 
of  wool  from  England,  or  printing  th:°  French  con- 
(Htntion  in  Spain.  Thcfe  are  pofnive  prohibi 
tions,  which  nature  has  not  written  in  her  book  ;. 
(he  has  therefore  never  taught  them  to  her  children.. 
G  2 


-/6  ADVICE    TO    THE 


The  fa  lire  may  be  faid  of  all  regulations  that  arife 
from  the  focial  compact. 

It  is  a  truth,   I  believe,  not  to  be  called  in  quefU 
fon,  that  every  man  is  born    with  an  imprefcrip- 
tible   claim  to  a   portion  of  the  elements;  which 
portion   is   termed   his  birtk— right.     Society    may 
v'ary    this  right,   as    to    hs   form,    but  never    can 
deilroy  it  in  fubllar.ce.      She   has  no   control   over 
the  man,  till  he  is  born  ;  and  the  right  being  born 
•with  him,  and  being  necelTary   to   his  cxiitence, 
:lhe  can  no  more  annihilate  the  one  than  the  oilier, 
though  (he  has  the  power  of  new-rnodeHing  both. 
But  on   coming  into   the  world,   he  finds  that  the 
ground   which  nature  had  prornifed  him   is  taken 
up,   and   in   the  occupancy  of  others  ;   fociety  has 
changed  the  form  of  his  birth-right  j   the   general 
Hock    of  elements,  from  which  the   lives  of  men 
are  to  be  fupported,    has  undergone  a  new  modifi 
cation  ;  and   his    portion   among  the  reft.     He  is 
told  that  he  cannot  claim  it  in  its  prefent  form,  as 
Jn  independent  inheritance  ;  that  he  muft  draw  on 
the   flock   of   fociety,    inftead    of  the     flock  '  of 
nature  ;    that    he   is   banifhed   from    the    moth 
er  and    muft  cleave   to  the  nurfe.    In  this  unex 
pected   occurrence  he   is   unprepared   to  act  but 
knowledge  is  a  part  of  the  ftock  of  fociety  ;  and  an 
indifpenfable   part  to  be  allotted  in  the  portion  of 
the  claimant    is    tnftrufiion    relative    to   the    new 
crrangemcnt  of  natural  right.      To  withhold  this 
inflruction   therefore    would    be,   not   merely  the 
omiflion  of  a  duty,  but  the  commiffion  of  a  crime  ; 
and  fociety  in  this  cafe  would  fin  againil  the  man, 
before  the  man  could  fin  agarnft  fociety. 

I  fhould  hope  to  meet  the  afTent  of  all  unpreju 
diced  readers,  in  carrying  this  idea  ft  ill  farther. 
In  cafes  where  a  perfon  is  born  of  poor  parents, 


PRIVILEGED:  ORDERS.  77- 

0r  finds  himfelf  brought  into  the  community  of 
men  without  the  means  of  fubfidence,  fociety 
is  bound  in  duty  to  furnifh  him  the  means.  She 
ought  not  only  toinftrucl:  him  in  the  artificial  laws 
by  which  property  is  fecured,  but  in  the  artificial 
induftry  by  which  it  is  obtained.  She  is  bound,  in 
fujllce  as  well  as  policy,  to  give  him  fome  art  or 
trade.  For  the  reafon  of  his  incapacity  is,  that 
'  fhe  has  ufurped  his  birth-right;  and  this  is  reftor- 
ing  it  to  him  in  another  form,  more  convenient 
for  both  parties.  The  failure  of  fociety  in  this 
branch  of  her  duty  is  the  occafion  of  much  the 
greater  part  of  the  evils  that  call  for  criminal 
jurifprudence.  The  individual  feels  that  he  is 
robbed  of  his  natural  right  ;  he  cannot  bring  his 
procefs  to  reclaim  it  from  the  great  community, 
by  which  he  is  overpowered;  he  therefore  feels 
authorized  in  reprifal ;  in  taking  another's  goods 
to  replace  his  own.  And  it  muft  be  confefTed,  that 
in  numberlefs  infrances  the  conduct  of  fociety 
ji.ftifies  him  in  this  proceeding  ;  (he  has  feized  upon 
hisf  property,  and  commenced  the  waragainft  him. 
Some,  who  perceive  thefe  truths,  fay  that  it 
is  unfafe  for  fociety  fo  publiflnhem  ;  but  I  fay  it  is 
unfafe  not  to  publiuVthem.  For  the  party  from 
which  the  mifchief  is  expelled  to  arife  has  the 
knowledge  of  them  already,  and  has  a£ted  upon 
them  in  all  ages.  It  is  the  wife  who  are  ignorant 
of  thefe  things,  and  not  the  foolifh.  They  arc 
truths  of  nature;  and  in  them  the  teachers  of 
mankind  are  the  only  party  that  remains  to  be 
taught.  It  is  a  fubjedb  on  which  the  logic  of 
indigence  is  much  clearer  than  that  of  opulence. 
The  latter  reafons  from  contrivance,  the  former 
from  feeling;  and  God  has  not  endowed  us  with 
G  3 


78  .  ADVICE    TO    THE 

falfe  feelings,  in  things  that  fo  weightily  concern 
our  happinefs. 

None  can  deny  that  the  obligation  is  much 
ftronger  on  me,  to  fupport  my  life,  than  to  fupport 
the  claim  that  my  neighbour  has  to  his  property. 
Nature  commands  the  firft,  fociety  the  fecond  : — 
in  one  I  obey  the  laws  of  God,  which  are  univerfal 
and  eternal ;  in  the  other,  the  laws  of  man,  which 
are  local  and  temporary. 

It  has  been  the  folly  of  all  old  governments,  to 
bc^in  every  thing  at  the  wrong  end,  and  t©  erect 
their  inflitutions  on  an  inverfion  of  principle.  This 
is  more  fadly  the  cafe  in  their  fyftems  of  jurifpru- 
dence,  than  is  commonly  imagined-  Compelling 
juftice  is  always  miftaken  for  rendering  juftice. 
But  this  important  branch  of  adminiftration  con- 
ijfts  not  merely  in  compelling  men  to  be  juft  to 
each  other,  and  individuals  to  fociety, — this  is  not 
the  whole,  nor  is  it  the  principal  part,  nor  even 
the  beginning,  of  the  operation.  The  fource  of 
power  is  faid  to  be  the  fource  of  juftice  ;  but  it 
does  not  anfwer  this  defcription,  as  long  as  it 
contents  itfelf  with  compulfton.  Jiiftice  mult -be 
gin  by  flowing  from  its  fource  ;  and  the  firft  as 
well  as  the  moft  important  object  is,  to  open  its 
channels  from  fociety  to  all  the  individual  mem 
bers.  This  part  of  the  adminiftration  being  well, 
devifed  and  diligently  executed,  the  other  parts 
•would  leiTen  away,  by  degrees  to  matters  of  infe 
rior  confideration. 

It  is  an  undoubted  truth,  that  our  duty  is  in-, 
feparably  connected  with  our  happinefs.  And 
•why  fhoiild  we  defpair  of  convincing  every  mem 
ber  of  fociety  of  a  truth  fo  important  for  him  to 
know?  Should  any  perfoii  object,  by  faying,, 
tfiat  nothing  like  this,  hac  ever  yet  been  done  ;  I 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  79 


3i>fwer,  that  nothing  like  this  has  ever  yet  been 
tried.  Society  has  hitherto  been  cnrft  with  go 
vernments,  whofe  exigence  depended  on  the 
extinction  of  truth.  Every  moral  light  has  been 
fmothered  under  the  bufhel  of  perpetual  impofi- 
tion  ;  from  whence  it  emits  but  faint  and  glim 
mering  rays,  always  inefficient  to  form  any 
luminous  fyftem  on  any  of  the  civil  concerns  of 
men.  But  thefe  covers  are  crumbling  to  the  dun1, 
with  the  governments  which  they  fupport  ;  and 
the  probability  becomes  more  apparent,  the  more 
it  is  confidered,  that  fociety  is  capable  of  curing 
all  the  evils  to  which  it  has  given  birth. 

It  feems  that  men,  to  diminifli  the  phyfical- 
evils  that  furround  them,  connect  themfelves  in 
fociety;  and  from  this  connection  their  moral 
evils  aiife.  But  the  immediate  occafion  of  the 
moral  evils  is  nothing  more  than  the  remainder  of 
the  phyfical,  that  (till  exiit  even  under  the  regu-^ 
lations  that  fociety  makes  to  banifh  then*.  The 
dire6b  object  therefore  of  the  government  ought 
to  be,  to  deftroy  as  far  as  poffible  the  remaining 
quantity  of  phyfical-  evils  :  and  the  moral  would 
fo  far  follow  their  deft ru 61  ion.  But  the  rniflake 
that  is  always  made  on  this  fubjecl  is,  that  go 
vernments,  inftead  of  laying  the  axe  at  the  root  of 
the  tree,  aim  their  ftrokes  at  the  branches  ;  they 
attack  the  moral  evils  direftly  by  vindictive  juftice, 
inftead  of  removing  the  phyfical  by  distributive 
juftice. 

There  are  two  difUn£t  kinds  of  phyfical  evils; 
one  arifes  from  want,  or  the  apprehenfion-  of 
want  ;  the  other  from  bodily  difeafe.  The  for 
mer  feems  capable  of  being  removed  by  fociety  ; 
the  latter  is  inevitable.  But  the  latter  gives  no 
Gccafion  to  moral  diforders  j  it  being  the.comiiToa 


80  AD  VICE    TO    THE 


lot  of  all,  we  all  bear  our  part  in  filence,  with 
out  complaining  of  each  other,  or  revenging  our- 
felves  on  the  community.  As  it  is  out  of  the 
power  of  our  neighbour's  goods  to  relieve  us,  we 
do  not  covet  them  for  this  purpofe.  The  former 
is  the  only  kind  from  which  moral  evils  arife  ; 
and  to  this  the  energies  of  government  ought  to 
be  chiefly  directed  ;  efpecialty  that  part  which  is 
called  the  adminifiration  of  ju(lic»°. 

No  nation  is  yet  fo  numerous,  nor  any  country 
f<;  populous,  as  it  is  capable  of  becoming.  Eu 
rope,  token  together,  would  fupport  at  leaft  fke 
times  its  prefent  number,  even- on  its  prefent 
fyftem  of  cultivation  j  and  how  many  times  this 
Hicreafet)  population  may  be  multiplied  by  new 
difcoveries  in  the  infinite  fcience  ©f  fubfiftence, 
no  nnn  will  pretend  to  calculate.  This  of  itfelf 
is  Cufficrent  to  prove,  that  fociety  at  prefent  has 
the  means  of  rendering  all  its  members  happy  in 
every  i\,*V?£t,  except  the  removal  of  bodily  drf- 
eafe.  The  common  flock  of  the  community 
appears  abundantly  fufficient  for  this  purpofe, 
Jly  common  flock,  I  would  not  be  under  Rood  to 
mean  the  g;oods  exclufively  appropriated  to  indi 
viduals.  Exclufive  property  is  not  only  confident 
wiih  good  order  among  men,  but  it  is  conceived 
by  fome  to  be  necerTary  to  the  exigence  of  fociety. 
But  the  common  ftock  of  which  I  fpeak  coniirhs 
firft,  in  'knowledge^  or  the  improvement  which 
men  have  made  in  the  means  of  acquiring  a  fup 
port  ;  and  fecondly,  in  the  contributions  which  it 
is  neceflary  fhould  be  collected  from  individuals, 
and  applied  to  the  maintenance  of  tranquillity  in 
the  State.  The  property  exclusively  belonging 
to  individuals  can  only  be  the  furplufage  remain 
ing  in  their  hands,  after  deducting  what  is  necef- 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  8l 

fary  to  the  real  wants  of  fociety.  Society  is  the 
firft  proprietor  ;  as  fhe  is  (he  original  caule  of  the 
appropriation  of  wealth,  and  its  indifpenfable 
guardian  in  the  hands  of  the  individual. 

Society  then  is  bound,  in  the  firft  place,  to 
diflribure  knowledge  to  every  perfon  according 
to  his  wants,  to  enable  him  to  be  ufefui  and  hap 
py  ;  fo  far  as  to  difpofe  him  to  take  an  active 
inrereft  in  the  welfare  of  the  State.  Secondly, 
where  the  faculties  of  the  individual  are  naturally 
defective,  fo  that  he  remains  unable  to  provide 
-for  himfelf,  fhe  is  bound  ftill  to  fupport  and  ren 
der  him  happy.  It  is  her  duty  in  all  cafes  to 
induce  every  human  creature,  by  rational  motives, 
to  place  his  happinefs  in  the  tranquillity  of  the 
public,  and  in  the  fecurhy  of  individual  peace 
and  property.  But  thirdly  >  in  cafes  where  thefe 
precautions  fhall  fail  of  their  effect,  (he  is  dri 
ven  indeed  to  the  lad  extremity, — iiie  is  to  ufe 
the  rod  of  correction.  Thc'.fc  inibnces  wouM 
doubtlefs  be  rare  ;  and  if  we  could  fuppofe  a  loner 
continuance  of  wife  adminiftration,  fucli  as  a  well- 
organized  government  would  enfure  to  every  na 
tion  in  the  world,  we  may  almoft  perfuade  our- 
felves  to  believe  that  the  neceflity  for  punifliment 
would  be  reduced  to  nothing. 

Proceeding  however  on  the  fuppofition  of  the 
cxiftence  of  crimes,  it  muft  ftill  remain  an  object 
of  legislative  wifdorn,  to  difcrimiaate  between 
their  different  clafles,  and  apply  to  each  its  proper 
remedy,  in  the  quantity  and  mode  of  punifhment. 
It  is  no  part  of  my  fubjcct  to  enter  into  this  in 
quiry,  any  farther  than  (imply  to  ohferve,  that  it 
is  the  chara6teriftic  of  arbitrary  governments  to 
be  jealous  of  their  power.  And,  as  jealoufy  is, 
©f  all  human  pailiuris,  the  molt  vindictive  and 


2  ADVICE    TO    THE 

the  leaft  rational,  thefe  governments  feJc  the 
revenge  of  injuries  in  the  rnoft  ahfurd  and  tre- 
menduous  pisnHhments  that  their  fury  can  invent. 
As  far  as  any  rule  can  be  difcovered  in  their  gra 
dation  of  ptinifhments,  it  appears  to  be  this,  That 
the  feveriry  of  the  penalty  is  in  proportion  to  the 
injuftice  of  the  law.  The  rcafon  of  this  is  firnple, 
—the  laws  which  counteract  nature  the  moft,  are 
the  moft  likely  to  be  violated. 

The  publication,  within  the  lad  half  century, 
of  a  great  number  of  excellent  treatifes  on  the 
fubjecl:  of  penal  laws,  without  producing  the  leaft 
effect  in  any  part  of  Europe,  is  a  proof  that  no 
reform  is  to  be  cxpeded  in  the  general  fyftem  of 
criminal  jurifprudence,  but  from  a  radical  change 
in  the  principle  of  government*. 

A  method  of  communicating  inftru<5tion  to 
every  member  of  fociety  is  not  difficult  to  difcover, 
and  would  not  be  expenfive  in  practice.  The 
£27  l^HlCnt  £Cnc;~~lly  ?ftablifhes  miniftcrsof  juf- 
tice  in  every  part  of  the  dominion.  The  fir  ft 
object  of  thefe  minifters  ought  to  be,  to  fee  that 
every  perfon  is  well  inftrucled  in  his  duties  and  in 
his  rights  -;  that  he  is  rendered  perfectly  acquainted 
with  every  law,  in  its  true  fpirit  and  tendency,  in 
order  that  he  may  know  the  reafon  of  his  obedi 
ence,  and  the  manner  of  obtaining  redrefs,  in  cafe 


*  The  compufiionate  little-  treatifc  of  Beccaria, 
f't'i  dclitti  t  dcllc.  ptnCi  is  getting  to  be  a  manual  in  all 
languages.  It  has  already  ferved  as  an  introdii&f.on 
to  many  lirniiuous  efTays  on  the  policy  and  right  ot 
puniiliracnt.  in  which  the  fpirit  of  inquiry  is  pur- 
lucd  much  farther  than  that  benevolent  philofopher. 
furrounded  as  he  is  by  the  united  fabres  of  feudal 
and  ecclefiatlical  tyranny,  has  dared  to  purfue  it. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  83 

lie  fliould  deem  it  nnjtrft  :  that  he  is  taught  to  feel 
the  cares  and  inrereds  of  an  active  citizen,  to 
coniider  himftlf  as  a  real  member  cf  the  date, 
know  that  the  government  is  his  own,  that  the 
fociety  is  his  friend,  and  that  the  officers  of  the 
ftate  are  the  fervants  of  the  people  A  perflm 
poiTeffing  thefe  ideas  will  never  violate  the  laws, 
unlefs  it  be  f rom  neceflity  ;  and  fnch  necellity  is  to 
be  prevented  by  means  which  are  equally  obvious. 
For  the  purpofcs  of  compuluve  jndice  it  is  not 
enough  that  the  Jaws  be  rendered  familiar  to  the 
people  ;  but  the  tribunals  ought  to  be  near  at  hand, 
eafy  of  accefs,  and  equally  open  to  the  poor  as  to 
the  rich  ;  the  means  of  coming  at  juftice  mould 
be  cheap,  expedition?,  and  certain  ;  the  mode  of 
procefs  ihould  be  fimple  and  perfectly  intelligible 
to  the  meaned  capacity,  unclouded  with  myderies 
and  unperplexed  with  forms.  In  fhort,  juftice 
ihould  familiarife  itfelf  as  the  well-known  friend 
of  every  man  ;  and  the  confequence  fcems  na 
tural,  that  every  man  would  be  a  friend  to  juf 
tice. 

After  confidcring  what  is  the  duty  of  fociety, 
and  what  would  be  the  practice  of  a  well- organized 
government,  relative  to  the  fubje<5l  of  this  chapter, 
it  is  almoii  uielef<  to  inquire,  what  is  the  practice 
of  all  the  old  governments  of  Europe.  We  may 
be  fure  beforehand,  that  it  is  direcTly  the  contra 
ry, — that,  like  all  other  parts  of  the  fyftem,  it  is 
the  inverfion  of  every  thing  that  is  right  and  rca- 
fonable.  The  pyramid  is  every  where  placed  on 
the  little  end,  and  all  forts  of  extraneous  rubbifh 
are  condaruly  brought  to  prop  it  up. 

Unequal  governments  Ere  neceflarily  founded  in 
Ignorance,  and  they  mud  be  fuppurtecl  by  igno 
rance  ;  to  deviate  from  their  principle  would  be 


84  ADVICE    TO    THE 

voluntary  filicide.  The  firft  great  object  of  their 
policy  is  to  perpetuate  that  undifturbed  ignorance 
of  the  people,  which  is  the  companion  of  po 
verty,  the  parent  of  crimes,  and  the  pillar  of  the 
State. 

In  England,  the  people  at  large  are  as  perfectly 
ignorant  of  the  atls  of  parliament  after  they  are 
made,  as  they  pofTibly  can  be  before.  They  are 
printed  by  one  man  only,  who  is  called  the  King's 
printer, —  in  the  old  German  character,  which 
few  men  can  read, — and  fold  at  a  pr'rce  that  few 
can  afford  to  pay.  But  left  fome  fcraps  or  com 
ments  upon  them  fhould  come  to  the  people  through 
the  medium  of  public  newfpapers,  every  fuch 
paper  is  (lamped  with  a  heavy  duty  ;  and  an  a£l  of 
parliament  is  mode  to  prevent  men  from  letting 
their  papers  to  read*  ;  fo  that  not  one  perfon  in  a 
hundred  fees  a  newfpaper  once  in  a  year.  If  a 
man  at  the  bottom  ot  York  (hire  difcovcrs  by  in- 
(h'ncl  that  a  law  is  made,  which  is  interefting 
for  him  to  know,  he  has  only  to  make  a  journey 
to  London,  find  out  the  King's  printer,  pay  a 
halfpenny  a  page  for  the  law,  and  learn  the  Ger- 


*  As  this  work  may  chance  to  fall  into  the  hands 
of  fome  people  who  never  fee  the  a&s  of  parliament 
(the  lame  precautions  not  being  taken  to  prevent  its 
circulation),  it.  is  out  of  companion  to  that  clafs  of 
readers,  that  1  give  this  information.  It  is  a  duty 
of  humanity  to  fave  our  fellow-creatures  from  falling 
into  fnares,  even  thole  that  are  fpread  for  them 
by  the  government.  Therefore  :  Notice  is  hereby 
given  to  all  perfons,  to  whom  thefe  prefects  fhall 
come,  that,  the  penalty  for  letting  a  newipapcr, 
within  the  Kingdom  of  Great-Britain,  is  fifty 
pounds. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  85 

mnn  alphabet.  He  is  then  prepare:!  to  fpell  out 
his  duty. 

As  to  the  general  fyflem  of  the  laws  of  the  land, 
on  which  all  property  depends,  no  man  in  the 
kingdom  knows  there,  and  no  man  pretends  to 
know  them.  They  are  a  fathomlefs  abyfs,  that 
exceeds  all  human  faculties  to  found.  They  are 
ftudied,  not  to  be  under  flood,  but  to  be  difputed  ; 
Jiot  to  sfive  informa  ion,  but  to  breed  con fu- 
iion.  The  man,  whofe  property  is  depending  on 
a  fuit  at  law,  dares  not  look  into  tre  gulph  that  fe- 
]  ;:rutes  him  from  the  wifheJ-for  decilion  ;  he  has 
no  confidence  in  himfelf,  nor  in  rc-afon,  nor  in 
jultice;  he  mounts  on  the  back  of  a  lawyer,  like 
one  of  Mr.  Burke's  heroes  of  chivalry  between  the 
wings  of  n  griflin,  and  trulls  the  pilotage  of  a  man, 
Vvho  is  fuperior  to  htmfcif  only  in  the  confidence 
•which  rffuhs  from  hnving;  rotr.inr?  at  flake. 

To  pen-irate   into  \\ •;.  Jledthe  courts  of 

ce  on   the  conur.cm,   r  fa  the  general 

iy;U:!n  of  their  atdminiitration  in  thofe  points 
lyhich  are  common  to  inoit  cotiHtiies  in  Europe, 
vv:)s  J.j  be  to  lay  open  an  ii&oactevabic  fcene  of  in 
iquity  ;  it  would  be, 

44  ¥0  pour  in  light  on  Pluto  s  drear  abodes, 

•  "  Abhorr'd  by  tncn,  and  dreadful  i en  to  ggds" 

What  arc  we  to  do  with  our  fenfjbility,  with 
our  honeft  iriltlndt  of  propriety,  how  refrvin  from 
ckclamations  of  h.orror,  while  we  contemplate  a 
let  of  men,  aiF?irr.ing  the  iacred  garb  of  juilice,  for 
the  unifonri  and  well-known  purp^fe  of  felling 
their  decilions  to  the  highelt  bidder  !  For  a  judge 
to  receive  a  bribe,  we  fhouici  think  an  indelible 
ifoin  upon  his  charailer  as  a  man  ;  but  what  (hall 
we  fjy  of  the  date  of  human  nature,  where  it  is 
•  no  clifgriict  to  him  as  a  judge  ?  where  it  is  not 


the   r 

of 

fmrp 


. 

p.u    '  j  the 

,   the 

^ovei;  in    !;:u  department 

at  fix.  ie  the  bargains 

ft.      Thus  the 
•:-f-  fpecu- 

r .     rp<  n     to    all    the  \  the  raan, 

"\vhif.  njpc    w^s/t-ie    bLk    fitted    to    iY5:;k;? 

t  {    deciding  caufes,-  auikl  afford 
high^/l   price,  and  was  consequently 
fure  to  be  JIM/ 

Juflice  then  was  a  comniodiiy  v.-hi^h  neccirurily 
gave  a  p  re  fit  to  three  it-is  ot  ir.cn,  before  it  COM  Id 
fee  purcnqfecfby  the  Aiitor  ;  even  fuppoiing  ir  rr.iyht 
have  flowed  to  hi-n  in  a  direcl  channel.  But 
this  was  a  tl-in^  iirpofTiblc  ;  there  \vere  other 
defcriptlans  c,i  nun,  more  nnmcr'ui?,  it  not  mra'c 
grceJy,  than  th.;fe  of  wlioin  we  h-vc  fptien, 
•through  whofe  hand?  it  rruift  piifs  and  re,pafs  ,  be 
fore  it  coulH  arrive  at  the  client,  who  had  •  a-i J 
his  money  to  the  jnd^e.  Thefe  men,  who  infefted 
the  tjibiin:-ls  in  all  ftages  of  the  bufinc  fs,  were 
divided  in  France,  into  about  fix  clalles.  For 
wan;  rf  the  rrecife  names  in  Ewgliih  todefigna^ 
all  their  official  diftin<ftions,  VIQ  fliall  rank  the 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS. 

of  L 


^{JreiFed 

had    a    necenary    part    ia    brin^in^    forv/ar-J    ervJ 
putting    backward    every    caufe   that    came   into 


Lawyers  In  France  fbrivcl  two  important  pur- 
piles,  which  It  i«  fuppoled  they  do  not  ferveju 
Iviahnd  :  they  added  confidently  to  ihe  revenues 
of  ihe  cro-.vn  by  the  pursHafc  pf  their  places  ;  and 
tncy  covered  the  iniquity  cf  the  udges  undec 


the  i. 
or  ordinary  r 


th.u  ihould  h- 
nevk  be  1:  vmi 


r,  had  an  nd.'Tjira- 
••iibiiity  of  fixing   a 


».v  trcur'h  me. 

re-Jtry   leeret;:; 
:'.    'rnili.'  r-au 
Uk'ewife  .-/ 

/7^-/.^,. 


§8  ADVICE    TO    THE 


charge  of  fraud  or  raifmanagjement  on  any  one  of 
the  great  fraternity,  or  of  difcoyefing,  among  the 
formidable  piles  of  papers   and  parcbmentsrth&t 
enveloped  the  myfteries  of  the  t:ial,   in  v. 
the  iniquity  was  introduce:;, 

To  rail  this  whole  fyftem  of  operations  n  fulernri 
iarce,  is  to  £ive  no  utterance  to  our  feelings  ;  to 
f>y  it  is  a  fplcndiJ  mockery  of  jtiflice  by  which 
individuals  arc  ribbed  of  their  property,  is  -a! mod 
to  fpcak  irs  praiie.— The  refle&ing  mind  cannot 
reft  upon  it  a  moment,  without  glancing  over 
fociely,  and  bewailing  the  terrible  inroads  made 
upon  morals  public  and  private,  the  devaftaliort  of 
principle,  the  outrage  upon  nature,  the  degrada- 
lion  of  the  lap  particle  of  .dignity  by  which  we  re 
cognize  our  own  refemblance  in  man. 

Its  obvious  tendency  is,  by  its  enormous  ex- 
pence,  to  bar  ihe  door  of  jufiice  againft  the  poor, 
v/ho  in  fuch  countries  arc  fi.ue  to  form  the*  great 
body  of  mankind, — to  render  them  enemies  to 
Ibciety,  by  teaching  that  fociety  is  an  enemy  to 
them, — to  ftimtilate  them  to  crimes  both  from 
their  own  nece (lilies,  and  from  the  example  of 
their  rr, afters, — and  to  fpread  over  the  people  at 


HI J)0r    ;;| 

pelsth 

J'iiCC. 

^  .  » 


be  !h idled  '  "      'I  !«  *  \ 

man  c^n   ti»i-..  i;k-i,    is  ,'b  >ir.  .• 

be  to  luir.cnt   ll'KU    the    nublc    ici^nce  or 


r  R  i  v  i  L  i:  c  E  D   o  HD  E  u  s . 

was    in   danger  of  be-in;*  for^i'ten  ;   or    that 

Kad    I'/i't    the 

"This    word,     Ivivii..'-   a 

fame    purple    in  ,     as   her.dxhy   ejoes   in 

hon.our  :   or   the  old   jufifpfuct£ticfj.,   in   in  (lice  :    it 

rendered  men  l::perui-ious  ;  and  coj.Lq;it:itly_,  iin- 

I1-  is  fo  f^ilii :>;;. l.-le  iii  Europe,  [-y  amon^^ 

Eneliihrnen,  to  (peak  in  praiU-  t)f  tfce'En^lifll 
it;  i •'p'-udenc  37  anfl  t(j  confider  it  as  a  nu-K  1  "f 
perfjcii'jn,  that  it  c?iay  f.-c^.i  ^ecellary  f<>r  a  ncrion 
to  be^in  with  2:1  apol  •/',  f  ide..s  rn 

lh.it    fubji'cl,    ir   h^   means  to  ;.!c\  i.»:e  fi\)in    tl 

rt    ()   ^cncraPy   eihblilh.d.      But    irnl-aJ    of 
coin^  ^his,   I   will    be^in  by  np, 
wHo  at  this  ciav  j- 

Your    fai.  mai>,     i.', 

uii Jer;larKl  npthingj  of    the  r:v*»ti,r.       to  al 

be  lefs  favourable  to  v- 
as  honcll  men. 

Exclusive    of  the  rules  1  »hc  perils  (;f 

a    cai.fj   a;e    tu    !;  hich,    if   they 

c-'VuLi  he  afcerl  the  mere 

f>,r;:i    r.-f   hiin^in^  a   qireltion  before  a   court  i-;  of 

re,  anarr,   leiV  urvlei  ;1  --o  1,   and  more 


. 
(hud    ii;    but   tfe 

as    in    France,   into  fev. 
.;nbi-elv   n 
i;^i»;t  ia  every  i!;cr>  t/i  il-ic;  pro^ 

II    2 


k?  :    t.Tjh 


9°  ADVICE    TO    THE 

dark  rnulriplicity  of  form  has  not  only  removed 
the  knowledge  of  law  from  the  generality  of  men, 
but  has  created  fuch  an  cxpence  in  obtaining 
juftice,  that  very  few  ever  make  the  attempt. 
1  he  courts  are  effectually  flint  againft  the  great 
body  of  the  people,  and  juflice  as  much  out  of 
their  reach,  ss  if  no  laws  exiiled*. 

Thofe  \vho  have  attempted  to  purchafejuflice 
through  the  neceffary  forms  have  never  been 
known  to  pronounce  eulogies  on  the  courts.  But 
their  number  has  always  been  fo  fmall,  that,  had 
they  uttered  the  anathemas  that  the  fyflem  de- 
fcrvcs,  their  feeble  voi^e  could  fcarccly  have  been 
heard.  No  man,  wFicfe  eyes  are  not  blinded  by 
fees  or  by  prejudice,  can  look  upon  the  enormous 
raafs  of  writings  which  accumulate  in  a  caufe, 
\vithbutrcfie6ling  with 'indignation  on  theexpence  ; 
one  hundredth  part  of  which  would  have  been 

c  The  provijiM  made  in  the  Englijh  law,  en  aiding 
a  perfon  to  bring  bis  fuit  in  forma  pauperis,  is 
rather  an  infult  than  &  real  advantage.  Certainly, 
not  one  per  Jon  in  a  hundred,  who  is  deprived  of juftice 
in  the  ordinary  courfe,  would  ever  feck  it  in  this  ;  as, 
In  order  to  be  entitled  to  it,  he  miift  go  into  court  and 
fwear  that  he  has  not  property  enough  to  prof e cute 
his  claim.  A  ycung  tradesman,  and  in  general  every 
perfon  who  wifbes  to  carry  en  bujtnefs,  or  has  fpirit 
enough  to  feek  for  jufiice,  has  a  higher,  interejl  in 
eftablifhing  a  credit  aming  his  connexions  in  bijinefs, 
than  in  profecuting  ;?,  ordinary  fuit  at  law.  He 
kn&ws,  that  t$  expofs  his  oven  proverty,  efpecially  in 
a  commercial  country,  would  be  irretrievable  ruin  ; 
//  would  be  a  pofitive  injury  ;  ivhi  I  e  fitting  down 
with  the  Ujs  of  his  right,  without  bringing  his  f nit* 
is  only  a  negative  injury. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  Cjl 

more  than  fufFicient  for  every  purpofe  of  obtaining 
j'jftice  between  the  parties.  A  writer  who  fhould 
give  the  names  and  defcriptionsof  the  various  parts 
of  a  prccefs,  with  the  expences  annexed  ro  each 
part,  would  fcarcely  gain  credit^  except  with 
profefiional  men.  Several  hundred  pounds  are 
expended  only  in  writing  Bills,  Subpoenas,  Pleas, 
Demurrers,  Anfwers,  Pet i lions,  Orders,  Mo 
tions,  Amendments,  Notices,  Reports,  &c.  in 
,a  finale  caufe,  where  no  wirnefs  is  called. 

Let  us  trace  a  few  of  the  windings,  and  fee 
"where  fome  of  the  paths  lead  which  are  laid  down 
as  neceffsrry  to  obtaining  a  deciflon  in  Chancery  ; 
we  ihall  there  find  how  hundreds,  and  fometimes- 
thoufands  of  pounds  are  expended  in  a  caufe,  before 
any  defence  is  fetwp,  and  where  no  defence  is  ever 
intended  to  be  fet  up.  The  fuitor  begins  his 
incomprehenfible  operation,  by  Mating  his  claim, 
in  what  is  called  a  Bill,  which  he  leaves  at  a  cer 
tain  office  belonging  to  the  court,  2nd  obtains  an 
order,  called  a  fubpcena,  for  fummoning  the 
defendant.  This  being  done,  the  court  requires 
the  defendant  to  fend  an  Attorney  to  write  his 
name  at  another  office  of  the  court.  This  writing 
the  name,  is  called  an  appearance  ;  it  anfwers  no 
poflible  purpofe,  but  that  of  increafing  expences 
and  fees  of  office,  for  which  it  is  a  powerful  engine. 
For  if  the  defendant  does  not  complv,  an  ex  pence- 
of  thoufands  of  pounds  may  be  made,  to  compel 
him.  A  capias,*  procefsjfor  outlewff^  a  commif- 
ilon  of  rebellion,  and  an  order  and  commiilion  of 
fequeftraticn,  are  purfuecl  in  their  proper  routine, 
till  he  confents  to  wiife  his  name. 

If  the  plaintiff  has  property  to  go  through  this 
procefs,  he  may  be  faiu  to  be  able  jufl  to  keep 
his  ground  ; .  and  his  caufe.  is  in  every  refpedt 


ADVICE     TO    THE 


lefendam 

c  ;   he  is  then 
r  v-  hieM,  the  cmrt 
i.r,  or  r.nfvver 

rj;s  tUtie^expires,   he    i>   inn  - 
of  ('-IT  \VCL[-:-..     But  though 
.  '    iilicr  the 


en* 
ihfor 

•?  bi:'.      VVh 
tied  to-a  I 

Ke  i-  .  ' 

jxiaiQtjffi  nor  '  ft  ;t,  di       e  i 

employ    a    foliqttar  to  ivr.ke   a    1);  !_t  "  f:>r  co   nf'.;i  .; 
und    tV''-'   f'i-  H    aU  TV!    tl-.c   counfcl, 

giv-'j    I.i  51  a  -u!  :--~  fVc?,   for  niovin-j-  t})e 

court    i  or    tjiijs  -t    be   rci: 

The  i  lie  C'.njrt  rnJ  maL 

.    aUer.ci  the   court,   rn<l 
p-iy  for    t  t  - 

mu'l  caufe  ;•  to  be  fl  > 

At  the    ern!  ff  this  term  of 
fendant  i.- 

t  ve  niuil  pay 
his  ;1  a     etition 


copy  ;  and  tiicn 


t  three 


prefcnt- 


t:sin  it. 
ties,   a  y 
com-. 


,c    it  i«  10  the  par 

to   the    (/necr?  oi    use 

CrtJS    farce   to  every   body 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  OJ 

••'s  which  was  ufed  to  compel  his  appear- 
,  mnft  have  been  repeated,  to  wit,  cn]-;'as, 
••  --.'Ifiwry^  commiffion  of  rebellion  9  z\v\  fequcfirathn. 
j..'ut  we  have  arilvcd  at  tl  e  lime  when  the  defend 
ant  is  in  duty  hound  tr>  gnlvver  to  the  bill  ;  and 
here,  if  fie  does  not  anf'*  er,  then  capias ,  outlawry. 


Thefe  terms  muit  be  txphinef!  to  fhe 
and  this  is  the  beft  orp:Tt!-nhy  to  f!o  \\.  ror  the 
caufe  dill  remaining  precifely  where  it  was  at  fir/I, 
we  mayfuppofeit  fiifHcientiy  at  reil,  not  to  move 
during  the  explanation.  A  c-Uas  is  r.n  order7 
to  take  the  man,  and  hold  him  in  gaol  tilljie  obeys 
,fh^  order  of  the  court  ;  whether  it  be  to  write  his 
name,  or  any  tiling  clfe.  The  word  ouiL.twy 
explains,  of  itfelf,  this  horrid  engine  ol  the  court. 
A  com  million  of  rebellion  is  an  order  ;fu 
the  officer  writh  the  capias  ;.  cd  nnd  pj 

find  tlie   man,  and  after  an   outlawry  ! 
place.      It  is  directed  to  other  pcrfor'S 
them  to  take  up  the  n^an  who  was,  guilty  r-l 
in  refufing  to  write  his  name. Bin  -^s  tlu-  Ciller  wiih 
the  capias,  before  omlnwiy,  could  not  find  the  man, 
the  ilTinr'g  the  cotninidion    of  rebellion  ??</w,  has  na 
other  meaning  but  fees.      A  I  cqi!  eft  ration  \^  taking 
the  whole  properly  of  (1  I  into  the  ' 

of  (he  a  ii 
/• "  n  df-t  e  i.l to  ;   ior  no 

nv.'iiey  is  gone  the  pro:?: 
us  fuppofe  that  the  defend  oni- 

\\  iih   all   orck  rs   thus  iu  a 

pn-.i    furTicient  rnfwcr.      ]  it  of 

-:il   iiu)'ions,     pe'iiions,   dccrtes,   or- 
ig   the  bill,  ior  ulernr.g  to 
ws  the  jiiftiffivjiency  of  ^nfwet?)   rep  rt<  I 
thole  aniv.cis,,  und    iarthcr   airjfwer^  and   eK( 


ADVICE'  TO     I 

.  tc,   art  I  o 


iucn  it;;ir  as  trie  process  he:c  defcnbed  ;  and  i  call 
on  them  all,  to  point  out  the  purpofe  that  any 
of  it  ever  lei-yed,  or  cvir  c:n  fcrve  to  tht-ir  cli- 

it  :— ,1  be  reme'rribefett',  'hat  all   the  ptbce 

•e  to  en-:!  in  three  pretended  ob- 
^pcd    an    appearance.;   to  cbtuin   the 
time  for   the  defendant  to   prepa'rc 
his   anfwer  ;   and    to    cornptl  hi.n  rq   '.-i\'e    his  Un 
iting  a  ri; 
i  i    inlnh   to  t 

Next  cone's  the  iuc* 
me  to  an- 

fwer  the  bilL  de   of  the  court,   which 

&   the  law  iri  .   f,rff 

kv*y   n.id  two   weeks  •    wKich  in  ull  i 

?    it    be  in  Inv-7,    r;i,ke  nine   \\ , 
ifiliut    be  a    feafonaile  tiifie^   UM^M   di^  ide  i 
into  three    baftsj   why  is  ii  not  fo  bci;:re   it  is  c!i- 
xiJed  r      Ana  if   nciiher  the  party,   nor  the  co-urt? 
ntir  a  .  [fe5   has   a   ri^ht  to  refufe  that  term 

r'f   ti  /    n  i'jht    not  iha   defendant    tike    ir, 

tng  three  titr.cs  f      The 
':t   the    procefs    gt^es   to  compel  t! 

ve  in   an  anfvver   to   t!-e   bill.      Ana 
"*vh;u  i  :ance  of  an  anfwer  r      To 


to  v,  inch  *hc  ai 

The  bill   ex,;  Of  the  plaintiff; 

end  points,  on i  \\hkh  K-* 

p:?Ys  may  be  made   in    his  3   theTle- 

.nt.      Notice    is  given  ^lendant 

V^fe'v!  PffmS? 

;  J,  hut 

iVIf 

fe    ii 

fend 


-  — ....  _._   ,,.,,,  ,.,  ,,  rt. 

>peir,   to 

;n-!r     ^m  his    defence  be 

?  to  t'v  |,l;:i;jiiff?  and,   if 
ge   v.ill  not   dcf<  n-\   himfdf,  c- 
Can  any  one  of  the  whole  hoft  of  all  i 

•Jaw    f];ovv   tlie  1-vaft  llridnw   of  ufe  in  all  this 
Pounth  ol    procefs    thus  tat,  but  fees   on  the   one 

he  other  f 

Wgh  il)    the   forms,    to   the  end 
fail  in  cfhsmcieryj   -.  to    v.rite  a  com- 

g|en*ary  on  many  yoliit^es  of  pra^ice^  and  vv'ould 
be  callin|r  the  patience  of  the  reader  to  a  triul, 
from  wliich  it  vv<  uld  certainly  (lirink.  but  there 
are  parts  a? -much  worfe  than  wh.it  we  havedcfcri- 
bed,  a?  thisi^  uorfe  thaacrommon  f^nfe.  Sirip 
fromthe  adn.iniftravion  of  jnilice  the  forms 


ADVICE    TO    THZ 


are  perfcfl'y  uMefx  r.n:l  op  p  re  .live,  arid  counfc!- 
lors  will  have  much  kfs  to  do  ;  while  the  wholes 
order  of  atomics  atul  fslicir  >rs  will  full  to  the 
ground  If  the  mylterie^ fHF  nonfenfe  were  out  of 
the  WHV,  a  CcHiiifeitor,  who  was  culle  i  upon  to 
rioii  on  the  manner  of  c6hdu&- 
iife,  woi-lci  no  more  h:?ve  it  pre- 
st  forward  by  :in  attorney,  th;m  a 
\voi:lj  h;-.zaid  his  fortune  by  doing 
-n;^h  an  is-;n-irarit  awjnt,  \\hich  he 
i.iir.felf.  The  qr.antity  of 
,  in  a  iiropk  aiu-I  dignified 
as  to  he  perhaps 

,  i      V      •  t 

who  arc  acquainted  only  vvitn 


e  is,   tnat   tne 

orcics  ;.:n-.l  {•.li:irors  has 
vnniihc:i,  the  Cocnfellor  does  tlie  whole  hullnefs 
of  Ills  client  ;  and  fo  fimplc  is  the  operation, 
that  a  man  mayuiih  cafe  comn.ence  and  carry 
through  every  ftage,  t®  final  judgment  and  execu 
tion,  five  liun-.lrtcl  c^nfes  in  a  year.  And  the 
in  all  thefe  (hall  riot  alrbru  wri 
ting  efi  M^ii  to  einpl  -y  a  finale  clerk  one  hour  in 
twenty  four.  The  proceedings  and  judgments  in 
five  hundred  canfes,  in  this  country,  would  fill  a 
warehoufe.  And  vet  in  that  country,  everv  alle 
gation  is  ncceilary  in  their  declarations  and  plead 
ings,  which  are  neceffijry  in  VVeitrniniier-hall.  As 
they  arc  not  paid  by  the  line  their  declarations 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  97 

have  but  one  count,  and  in  that  count  there  is  no 
tautology.  And  fo  little  is  the  expence  of  fuits, 
where  no  more  is  done  than  isneceflary  for  juftice, 
that  judgment,  in  a  caufe  where  there  is  no  de 
fence,  may  be  obtained  for  lefs  than  ten  {hillings  ; 
anri  every  perfon  employed  be  fully  paid  tor  his 
fcrvice*. 

Men  who  are  habituated  to  the  expenfes  incur 
red  in  law-funs  in  England,  will  fcarcdy  be  per- 
fuaded  of  the  extent  to  which  a  reform  would  be 
carried,  on  a  general  deftru&ion  of  abufes.  But 
k-tthem  reflect,  that  when  law  proceedings  arc 
itripped  of  every  thing,  but  what  the  nature  of  the 

~*  As  this  may  awaken  the  curiofify  of  feme  of  my 
readers,  I  will  give  the  details.  Suppofe  a  fuit  to 
recover  money  due  or,  Note '  ir  Bind:  The  writ  and 
declaration  are  incorporated  in  one  injlrument  j  that 
/•-,  the  declaration  is  contained  in  the  writ.  The 
jher'fj'  is  ordered  to  read  this  to  the  defendant ;,  G**  leave 
a  copy  at  his  dwelling,  at  leafi  twelve  days  previous  to 
the  fitting  of  the  court.  This  -writ  i.\  ujualiy  filled  up 
in  a  'well  known  firm,  in  a  printed  blank  ;  of  which 
a  man  may  with  eaje  fill  a  hundred  a  day.  Far  this 
the  court  taxes  §ne  jhiiiing  and Jlx  pence.  Tl)e  Jberlff, 
if  he  has  no  travel  to  the  defendant,  is  paid  fix-pence 
for  reading  the  writ  to  him,  and  delivering  it  to  the 
clerk  of  the  court.  It  is  then  the  duty  of  the  plaintiff, 
cr  of  his  lawyer,  (who  is  both  ciunjellor  and foiicit- 
or)  to  attend  the  court  on  the  firji  day  sf  the  Jit  ting  ; 
and  then  the  parties  in  all  caufes  are  called  by  the 
frier.  For  this  attendance  the  court  will  tax  three 
/Lillings  and  fouKcpence  halfpenny  :  and  if  the  defend 
ant  intends  to  make  no  defence  he  will  not  anjwer  when 
tatted ;  and  the  clerk  thereupon,  en  the  third  day  after 


93  ADVICE    TO    TMS 

fubjc  cl  require^,-  there  is  no  rry fiery  left.  The 
rational  part  that  remains  is  foon  comprehended, 
and  ealily  retained  in  memory.  This  would 
doubtk-fs  augment  the  number  of  fuirs  ;  for  it 
would  open  the  courts  tovaft  multitudes  of  people, 
againft  whom  they  are  now  effectually  ihnt.  But 
in  proportion  as  it  increafed  the  number  of  law- 
fuirs,  it  would  diminilh  the  quantity  of  law-bvfi- 
refs  ;  and  the  number  or  lawyers  would  dwindle  to 
one  tenth  of  what  it  is  at  prefent.  In  the  Slate 
above  alluded  to,  the  number  of  men  fupported  by 
tiiis  profe/Iion  is  to  the  whole  population,  as  one 
to  4600.  Reduce  the  lawyers  here  to  that  pro 
portion,  and  there  would  be  left  about  three  thou- 
fand  in  the  kingdom.  It  is  atTertrd,  (I  know  not 
on  what  ground)  that  the  p  re  lent  number  is  thirty 
thoufand.  Allowing  it  to  be  true,nn  a  rmy  of  twenty- 
feven  thoufand  lawyers,  on  this  reform,  would 
rind  fome  other  employment.  But  whether  the 
red u 61  ion  would  amount  to  the  number  here  fup- 
p'ofed,  or  to  half  of  it,  is  a  queftion  of  little  mo- 

callinZ)  if  >io  tnofiw  is  made  fry  the  defendant^  enters 
;.«/  grmnt  for  the  plaintiff  \  for  which  he  has  about  two 
/hillings  ;  one  /billing  more  is  paid  for  a  ^vrit  of  exe 
cution,  which  is  in  form  and  effeft  a  fieri  facias,  a 
capias  ad  fatisfacicndum,  and  an  elegit  :  that  is, 
it  goes  agtttnft  the  goods  end  chattels  of  the  debtor',  find 
if  the  Jhenff  cannot  find  ih^jc  he  is  to  take  the  Udy, 
<?r  the  land.  Added  to  theje  cr.ft$9  there  is  a  duty 
vf  u.  vd.  to  government .  "Theje  Jeveral  charges  are 
fffi  ample  reward  for  allfervices  rendered, 

Note  of  the.  Editor. 

When  our  author  obferves,  that  the  Jaws  of 
that  country  have  jl ripped  legal  procefs  of  its  prin-* 
€ ipal  follies t  lie  mull  be  unilcritood  as  referring 


PiU  VILf.GEl.)    CRDH^S. 


roent.  Saving  the  expcnce  of  maintaining  twemy 
or  thirty  thnufand  n^n  in  a.-i  ufelcfs  occupation, 
and  fending  th-ai  to  profitable  bufinefs,  however 
important  die  object  may  appear,  bears  no  pro- 
jforiiori  to  the  advantage  'Of  opening  the  door  of 
I^H  ice  to  the  people  j  and  habiuiimrig  them  to  an 
caiy  and  well-known  a*eihod.<rf  .Landing  iheir 
.right. 

to  the  New-England  State:.  In  New-  York, 
rennfyiyania,  and  almoft  every  other  State  of  the 
union,  juftice  is  nearly  as  cxpcnfive  as  in  Great 
Britain.  The  common  law  of  the  mother  coun 
try  has  been  univerfally  adopted,  and  the  ftatutc 
books  of  the  B.-ififh  Parliament  blindly  and  fer 
vidly  copied.  When  this  is  ihe  cafe,  and  it  can- 
not  be  controverted,  h;ive  we  reafon  to  look  for 

efs  expenfive  litigation  in  thofc  States  than  in 
the  iiland  of  Great  Britain  ?  Can  it  be  expefl- 
that  the  cliannds  of  juftice  will  be  Irfs  cor- 
s-upt  ;  ar::f  that  the  focial  rights  of  individuals 
will  be  better  protecltd  and  defended  ?  In  the 
courts  of  commr.n  pleas,  panicularly  thofc  of 
New-York,  the  bill  of  the  phintiiFs  attorney  a^ 
lone  is  feldom  lefs  than  eiVht  pounds.  In'ih^ 
fupreme  court  of  the  fame  'State,  it  often  times 
itretchcs  beyond  thirty  pounds.  We  have  pur- 
|i*a  the  exterior  of  fouety  ;  but  its  interior  e- 
conomy  is  fraught  with  injufticc,  and  to  €very 
jrlcerning  mind  muft  appear  as  harbouring  the 

rrnciplts  of  moral  deftr«aion.     Let  us  not"  de- 

ude  the   world,    by   imprelfing  an  opinion,    that 

have  anived  at  the  fummk  of  perfcdion  in 

government   and    laws,—  when     fo  many    glaring 

evils^are   profufeiy  fcattcrcd    arc  nnd,_  when  the 

aws    delay—  the  expcnce  of  juilice—and  the  in- 


•?CO  ADVICE    TO    THE 


There  is  a  drange  idea  prevalent  in  England, 
(it  has  had  its  day  in  America)  that  it  is  good  policy 
to  raife  theexpences  of  legal  proceedings  above  the 
reach  of  the  lower  dalles  of  people  ;  as  it  lefTens 
the  numbci*  of  fuhs.  This  kind  of  reafoning  ap 
pears  too  abfurd  to  fupport  its  own  w.-.  ivht  tor  a 
moment  ;  and  it  would  be  beneath  our  iLrions  no 
tice,-  were  it  not  for  the  refie&rbfi,  that  men  of 
fuperficial  refearch  are  perpetually  caught  by  ir. 
The  human  mind  is  fitted,  from  its  own  indolence, 
to  be  dazzled  by  the  glare  of  a  proportion  -r  an-,!' 
to  receive  and  utter  for  truth,  what  it  never  gives 
itfelf  the  trouble  to  examine.  There  is  no  para 
dox  among  all  the  cnormiir.es  of  defyonfm,  bur 
what  finds  its  advocates  from  this  very  circum- 
ftance.  We  muft  not  therefore  fcorn  to  encounter 
an  argument  becaufe  it  is  foolifh.  The  bufmefs  of 
fober  phMof>>phy  is  often  a  talk  of  drudgery  ;  it 
mud  fcmetiines  Hftcn  to  the  moil  incoherent  cla 
mours,  which  would  be  unworthy  of  its  atcention, 
did  they  not.  form  a  part  of  the  general  din,  by 
which  mankind  are  deafened  and  milled. 

For  a  man  to  bring  into  court  a  fmt  thai:  is 
manifeftly  unjuft,  is  a  crii^e  againft  the  (late  ;  to 
hinder  him  from  bringing  one  that  is  j-uft,  is  a 
crime  of  the  ftate  againfi  him.  It  is  a  poor  com 
pliment  to  the  wifdom  of  a  nation,  to  fuppofe  that 
no  method  can  be  devifed  for  preventing  the  firft 
of  thefe  evils,^  without  running  kito  the  laft  ;  and 
the  iaft  is  ten  times  the  greateft  of  the  two.  The  ' 
French,  who  appear  to  have  been  deftined  to  give 
leflbns  to  the  worhl  by  the  wi'fdom  of  their  new 

f  >!c-nce  of  office,  are  5?  mwch   to  be  complained 
of,  in  moft  of  the  American  State?,  as  under  t 
Hruidi  execrated  fyftenas  of  Europe,, 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  ICI 


inftitutions,  as  well  as  by  *-h'c  lolly  ot  iherr  old, 
have  fount!  the  fee  ret  of  i  m poll m*  a  fmall  fine  on 
a  vexatious  plaintiff;  and  of  erbbiifhing  many 
other  regulations  on  this  fubje<5t,  which  effectually 
ihut  the  door  of  the  tribunal  agafnft  the  oppreiibr, 
while  it  e.aiily  opens  to  the  fecbleft  cry  of  the  op- 
preifed. 

They  have  likewife  eftablifhecl  a  method  of 
communicating  the  knowledge  of-thelaws  to  every 
human  creature  in  the  kingdom,  however  ignorant 
he  may  be  in  other  refpefts.  They  are  printed 
and  parted  up  on  public  buildings  in  every,  town 
and  village,  arid  read  and  explained  by  the  curate 
from  the  pulpit  in  every  parifh.  It  is  in  con 
templation  likewife  to  inftitute  a  general  fyftem 
of  public  inflruction,  on  a  moie  ufeful  and  ex- 
tenfive  plan  than  has  ever  vet  been  ctevifed.  Se 
veral  enlightened  philofophers  are  bufied  in  thefe 
refearches;  and  feveral  focieties  are  formed,  whofe 
object  is  to  difcover  and  bring  forward  the  bed 
concerted  plan  for  this  important  pnrpnfe.  In 
their  wh^le  fyflern  of  dlilribnting  knowledge  ?nd 
jujiicC)  they  feem  to  be  aiming  at  a  decree  of 
perteclion  which  promifes  great  fuccef*?  With 
*H  my  partiality  for  the  inflirutii  ns  of  the  United 
States,  I  ihould'quote  them  (in  com  pa  ri  fan  to  thofe 
of^  France)  with  lefs  confidence  on  the  fubjed  of 
this  chapter,  tha"  of  any  other. 

In  the  adminiftration  of  jnftice  the  American 
Slates  in  general,  are  too  much  attached  to  the 
Englifh  forms;  which  ferve  to  fncieafe  the  ex- 
pence  and  to  myfticife  the  bufmefs,  to  a  de^rec 
^hat  is  manifettly  inconfiftcnt  wiih  the  di^niiy  of 
a  true  republic.  '  But  in  refped  to  Public  inftruc. 
tion,  ther«  are  fume  circnmftances  which 

i  a 


ADV'CK    T0    THE 

to 'l>e"  mentioned  to  their  prnife,  I  a-n  r-in^  fry 
fpeuk  only  of  the  particular  State  \vi;h  which  I  am 
Left  acquainted.  How  many  of  the  others  are 
beticr  regulated  in  this  refpect,  and  how  many 
are  worfe,  I  3m  not  accurately  informed.  This 
ftate,  (which  contains  Icfs  than  240,000  inhabit 
ant)  is  divided  into  about  one  hundred  towns. 
Thefe  are  fub-divided  into  fmall  portion?,,  called 
fvhool-di'ftricls,  fimable  for  the  fnpport  of  fmall 
fchools.  Each  of  thefe  diftridls  has  a  drawback 
on  the  ftate  treafury  for  a  fum,  which  bears  a 
proportion  to  the  public  taxes  paid  by  the  inha 
bitants  of  the  diitricl,  and  which  is  about  half 
equal  to  the  Arpport  of  a  fchool-mafter.  But  this 
fiim  can  be  drawn  only  on  condition,  that  a  fchool 
is  maintained  in  the  diftrict.* 

The  following  remarkable  confequences  feem 
to  have  refulted  from  this  provifnn  :  There  is 
not  perhaps  in  that  date,  a  perfon  of  fix  years 
old,  and  of  common  intellects,  who  cannot  read  ; 
and  very  few,  of  twelve,  who  cannot  write  and 
caft  accounts  ; — befides  the  vifual  books  that  are 
found  in  every  family,  it  is  computed  that  there 
are  in  the  Hate  about  three  hundred  public  libraries^ 
which  have  been  formed  by  voluntary  fuhfcriptiorj 
among  the  people  of  the  dHtricls  and  the  parifhes  ; 
— till  about  the  year  1768,  which  was  more  than 
one  hundred  and  thirty  years  alter  the  fettlement 
of  the  ftate,  no  capital  punifhment,  as  I  am  infor 
med,  had  been  inflicted  within  ifs  jurifdiclion, 
nor  any  perfon  convicted  of  a  capital  offence  ;  fince 

*  Befides  the  fmrJT  fchocls  above  mentioned,  there 
is  a  cmfiderable  numter  cf  Academies  and  grammar- 
fckeoh  in  this  little  Republic  j  and  there  is  or,*  Urn- 


fRlVlLEG'LD    ORDERS.  16% 

that  period,  very  few  have  been  convicted,  and 
thofe  few  are  generally  Europeans  by  birth  ynd 
education  ; — there  is  no  extreme  poverty  in  the 
Hate,  and  no  extraordinary  wealth  accumulated  by 
Individuals. 

It  would  be  abfurd  to  fuppofe,  that  Public  In- 
function  is  by  any  means  carried  to  the  perfection 
that  it  ought  to  be,  in  this  or  any  other  State  in 
the  univerfe.  But  this  experiment  proves,  that 
good  morals  and  equal  liberty  are  reciprocal  caufes 
and  efFjcts  ;  and  that  they  are  both  the  parents 
of  national  happinefs,  and  of  great  profperi- 

ty- 

All  governments  thac  lay  any  claim  to  refpedt- 
ability  or  juftice,  have  profcribed  the  idea  of  ex- 
.pofl-fafto  laws,  0r  laws  made  alter  the  performance 
of  an  action,  conftituting  that  action  a  crime,  and 
pumfhing  a  party  for  a  thing  that  was  innocent  at 
the  time  of  its  being  done.  Such  laws  would  be 
fo  flagrant  a  violation  of  natural  right,  that  in  the 
French  and  feveral  of  the  American  State  Confti- 
tutions  they  are  folemnly  interdicted  in  their  De 
clarations  of  Rights.  This  profcription  is  like- 
\vife  confidered  as  a  (undamental  article  of  Engiifh 
liberty,  and  almoft  the  only  one  that  has  not  been 
habitually  violated,  within  the  prefcnt  century. 
But  let  us  refort  to  reafon  and  juftice,  and  afk  what 
is  the  difrrrence  between  a  violation  of  this  article 
and  the  obfervance  of  that  tremenduous  maxinn 
of  jurifprudence,  com  men  to  all  the  nations  above 
mentioned,*  ignorantfa  legis  nemlntm  excufat  ? 

Moil  of  the  laws  of  fociety  are  pofitive  r?gn]^ 
tions,  not  taught  by  nature.  Indeed,  fuch  only 

*   Ignorance  of  the  law  is  no  excufe  for  tht  breach 


104  ADVICE     TO    THE 


are  applicable  to  the  fubjeft  now  in  queftion.  For 
ignvr&ritiA  legis  can  have  reference  only  to  laws  ari- 
fmg  out  of  fociety,  in  which  our  natural  feelings 
have  no  concern  ;  and  where  a  man  is  ignorant  of 
fuch  a  law,  he  is  in  the  fame  fituation  as  if  the 
law  did  not  exift.  To  read  it  to  him  from  the 
tribunal,  where  he  (lands  arraigned  for  the  breach 
of  it,  is  to  him  prfccifely  the  fame  thing  a^  it  would 
be  to  originate  it  at  the  time  by  the  fame  tribunal, 
for  the  exprefs  purpofe  of  his  condemnation.  The 
law  till  then,  as  relative  to  him,  is  not  in  being. 
He  is  therefore  in  the  fame  predicament  that  the 
fociety  in  general  would  be,  under  the  operation 
of  an  ex-pofi-fafio  law*.  Hence  we  ought  to  con 
clude  that,  as  it  feems  difficult  for  a  government 
to  difpenfe  with  the  maxim  above-mentioned, 
a  free  people  ought,  in  their  declaration  of  rights, 
to  provide  for  univerfal  public  inftru£tion.  If 
they  neglecl  to  do  this,  and  mean  to  avoid  the 
abfurdity  of  a  felf-deftroying  policy,  by  adher- 

*  What  /hocking  ideas  of  morals  thofe  governments 
mujl  have  inculcated,  which  firfl  invented  that  exemp 
tion  in  penal ftatuteSy  called  the  benefit  of "clergy  ! 
To  be  able  to  write  and  ready  was  at  that  time  an 
evidence  of  an  uncommon  degree  of  knowledge.  Out 
cf  rejpeft  to  learning  (as  it  is  pref timed)  it  was  there 
fore  enacJedy  that  any  perfon  cwiifted  of  a  felony 
fnould  be  pardoned^  on  footing  that  he  could  write 
his  name.  As  this  latent  was  then  chiefly  confined  to 
the  clerks,  «r  clergy >  this  circumftance  gave  name  to 
the  law.  The  language  of  the  exemption  is  Jim  ply 
thiSy  that  t h of e  perfon s  only  who  know  the  law  are 
tit  liberty  to  violate  it.  *Tlere  is  indeed  much  reafsn 
fir  a  dif.inclion  \  but  it  Jbwld  have  been  the  ether 
way. 


PRIVILEGED  ORDERS.  16$ 

ing  to  a  fyftem  of  juftice  which  would  preferve  a 
dignity  and  infplre  a  confidence  worthy  the  name 
of  liberty,  they  ought  to  rejecl  ihe  maxim  alto 
gether  ;  and  infert  in  their  declaration  of  righs, 
that  inilructron  alone  can  conltitute  a  duty  ;  and 
that  laws  can  enforce  no  obedience,  but  where 
they  are  explained. 

It  is  truly  hard  and  fiifltciently  to  be  regretted 
that  any  part  of  fociety  Humid  be  obliged  to  yield 
obedience  to  laws,  to  which  they  have  not  literally 
and  perf  >nally  confented.  Such,  however,  is  the 
flare  of  things  ;  it  is  neceftary  that  a  majority  ftroukf 
govern.  Jf.it  be  an  evil  to  obey '"a  law  to  winch 
we  h.ive  not  confented,  it  is  at  leaft  a  necellary 
evil  ;  but  to  compel  a  "compliance  with  orders 
which  are  unknown,  is  carrying  injuftice  beyond 
the  bounds  of  neceility  ^  it  is  abfurd,  and  evea 
impoilible.  Laws  in  this  cafe  may  be  avenged* 
hut  cannot  be  obeyed  ;  they  may  infpire  terror, 
but  can  ttcver  command  refpcft. 


C  H  A  P.     V. 


REVENUE  AND  EXPENDITURE. 


A 


Nation  is  furely  in  a  wretched  condition^ 
when  the  principal  obje6l  of  its  government  is  the 
increafe  of  its  public  revenue.  Such  a  date  of 
things  is  in  reality  a  perpetual  warfare  between 
the  few  individuals  who  govern,  and  the  great  bo 
dy  of  the  people  who  labour.  Or,  to  call  things 
by  their  proper  names,  and  ufe  the  only  language 


io6  ADVICE  TO  THE 

that  the  nature  of  the  cafe  will  juftify,  the  real  oc~ 
cup.-tion  of  the  governors  is  either  to  plunder  or  trf 
jReal,  as  will  belt  anfwer  their  purpofe  ;  while 
the  bufmefs  of  the  people  is  to  fecrete  their  pro 
perty  by  fraud,  or  to  give  it  peaceably  up,  in  pro 
portion  as  the  other  party  demands  ir  ;  and  then, 
as  a  cohfcquence  of  being  driven  to  this  ne«?c-  ': 
they  (Lickc.ii  th^ir  indiiflry,  and  become  mifcrable 
through  idienefs  ;  in  order  to  avoid  ihe  iiionitica- 
tion  of  1  louring  for  thofe  they  hate. 

The  art  of  conftruc~ling  governments  has  ufually 
been  to  organize  the  Sate  in  fuch  a  manner,  as 
that  this  operation  could  be  carried  on  to  the  bed 
advantage  for  the  adminiftraiors  ;  and  the  art  of 
adminiftring  thofe  governments  has  been,  fo  to 
vary  the  means  of  feizing  upon  private  property, 
as  to  bring  the  greateft  poflible  quantity  into  the 
public  coffers,  without  exciting  infurrecYion?, 
Thofe  governments  which  are  called  defpotic, 
deal  more  in  open  plunder  ;  thofe  that  call  therw- 
felves  free,  and  act  under  the  clo«k  of  what  they 
teach  the  people  to  reverence  as  a  conftituilon,  are 
driven  to  the  arts  of  dealing.  Thefe  have  fuc- 
ceeded  better  by  theft  than  the  others  have  by 
plunder  ;  and  this  is  the  principal  difference  by 
which  they  can  be  diftinguifhed.  Under  thefe 
confiitutional  governments  the  people  are  more  in- 
duftrous,  and  create  property  iaiter  ;  becaufe  they 
are  not  fenfible  in  what  manner  and  in  what 
quantities  it  is  taken  from  them.  The  adminif- 
tration,  in  this  cafe,  operates  by  a  compound 
movement  ;  one  is  to  induce  the  people  to  work, 
2nd  the  ether  to  take  from  them  their  earn 
ings. 

In  this  view  of  government,  it  is  no  wonder 
Kit  it  ihoulJ  b^  cormdered  as  a  curious  and  com- 


r*  I V I*.  E  G  F.  D    O"F  D  E  !?  S .  1C"? 

plicated  machine,    too  .    for  vulgar  con 

templation,  capable  ot  being  moved  by  none  but 
experienced  hands,  and  fuh;,cl  to  fall  in  pieces  by 
the  flighted  attempt  a*  innovation  or  improvement. 
It  is  no  wonder  that  a  church  and  an  army  fh  -ul4 
be  deemed  necefTary  for  irs  funport  ;  ami  "tint  the 
double  guilt  of  impiety  and  rebellion  (liquid  fdlovr 
the  man  who  offers  to  enter  its  dark  fancluary 
vv 'ith  the  profane  li^ht  of  reaf-n.  It  is  noUunm 
Ting  that  kings  and  priefts  fhould  be  fuppnfcd  to 
have  derived  their  authority  from  Gor1,  fince  it  is 
evidently  not  ^i/en  them  by  men  ;  that  tl-fy  fhould 
trace  to  3  fupernarural  fource  claims  which  nature 
never  has  recognized,  and  which  are  at  war  with 
every  principle  of  iociety. 

I  conllantly  bear  in  mind,  that  there  is  a  ref- 
pecbbl?"clafs  of  men  in  every  country  in  Europe, 
who,  whether  immediately  interefted'in  the  admi- 
niftratipn  of  the  governments  or  not,  are  confci- 
entiouily  attached  to  the  old  ed^blifhcd  forms.  I 
kno\v  not  how  much  pain  it  may  give  them  to  fee 
fCXppfed  to  public  view  the  various  combinations 
of  iniquity  which  appear  to  me  to  compofe  the 
fyftern.  Rut  I  ftwM  pay  a  real  compliment  to 
tlieir  fenfibiiity^  in  fuppofmg  that  their  anfn-iih 
can  be  as  great  on  vieu  ing  The  pidure,  as  mine 
had  been  in  attempting  to  draw  it  ;  or,  that  they 
can  (hudder  as  much  at  the  profped  of  a  change, 
as  I  have  done  in  contempMing  fociety  under  the 

iftonions  of  its  prefent  organization/  I  fee  the 
noble  nature  of  man  fo  cruelly  debafed,—  I  fee 
the  horfe  and  the  dog  in  fo  many  inftances  raifed 

o  a  rank  far  fuperior  to  beings  whom  I  muft  ac 
knowledge  as  my  fellow-creatures,  and  whom 
niy  heart  cannot  but  embrace  with  a  fraternal  af- 
which  muft  increafe  with  the  infults  I  fee 


JOS  ADVICE    TO    THE 

them  differ, — I  fee  the  pride  of  power  and  of  rnnk 
monntecl  to  fo  ungovernable  a  height  in  thofe  v\  horn 
accident  has  called  to  dire-cl  the  affairs  of  nations, — 
I  fee  the  faculty  of  rcaibn  fo  completely  dormant 
in  both  thefe  clr.fies,  and  morality,  the  indifpenfi- 
ble  bond  of  union  among  men,  fo  effectually  ba- 
r. 'fi.-ed  by  the  unnatural'  coirbl  nations,  which  in 
iv.iropc  are  called  Society, — that  I  have  been  al- 
ino't  determined  to  rtlinquifh  thedifagreesble  tafk 
which  I  had  prcfcribed  to  rnyfelf  in  the  fir  (I  part 
of  t'lis  \.vo:k,  and,  returning  to  *rty  coun<rv,  en 
deavour  in  ihe  nc\v  \\cvid.  to  ior^ct  ihe  mifeiits  t  1 
the-:IJ. 

But  I  refiecl  th:it  the  contemplation  of  thefe 
r-'.ifenes  Has  already  left  rn  ijiipreffion  on  m\  niind 
too  deep  to  be  ealiiy  efraced. —  i  um  likev.'ife  con 
vinced  that  all  the  moral  evils  under  vhicb  we  la- 
feonr,  may  he  traced  withoiit  difficulty,  to  their 
proper  fource, — that  the  ipirit  c-i  invefligalipn, 
which  the  French  rev<  lutton  ha?  av;akened  in  ma- 
j^y  parts  of  Europe,  is  ftirrnlaiing  the  people  to 
ptirfiie  the  enquiry,  and  will  confequently  lead 
them  to  apply  the  remedy.  Under  this  profpecl, 
every  perfnn  who  but  thinks  he  can  throw  the 
leaf!  li^ht  upon  the  fubjecl,  is  called  upon  for  his 
alliftance  ;  and  this  duw  to  his  fellow-creatures 
becomes  more  imperious,  as  it  is  increafed  by  the 
probability  of  fuccefs. 

In  confideringthe  fubje<ft  (.{Revenue  and Expen- 
dtturc,  as  in  other  articles  that  I  have  treated,  I 
fliall  confine  myfclf  chit  fly  to  the  great  outlines  of 
the  fyftem  ;  only  noticing  its  efFt&  on  the  moral 
habits  which  muft  be  confidered  as  the  viral  prin 
ciples  of  fociety,  and  which  ought  always  to  be 
kept  in  view  as  the  fir  ft  obj  eel  of  government, 
both  in  its  original  conilitution  and  in  every  part 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  log 

of  its  adtr.iniilration.  I  was  indeed  fenfible  that, 
this  fubjecl  would  requ're  more  details  ;  and  that 
it  might  be  ufeful  to  form  an  eftimate  of  the  quan 
tity  of  contributions  neceiiary  for  any  given  portion 
of  mankind  united  in  a  national  intereft ;  as  we 
might  thus  be  convinced  how  fmall  a  revenue 
would  be  fufficient  for  all  the  purpofescfa  rational 
government.  But  I  find  my  fell  happily  relieved 
from  this  part  of  my  t  *;!•:,  by  the  appearance  of 
the  fecond  part  of  the  Rights  cf  A?an,  in  which 
this  branch  of  the  fiibjt6l  is  treated  in  that  per- 
fpicuous  manner  which  might  be  expected  from 
its  author  ;  a  man  whom  I  confiderjas  a  luminary 
of  the  age,  and  one  of  the  greateft  benefactors  cf 
mankind.  Neither  my  woik,  nor  any  other 
that  {hall  be  written  for  ages  to  come,  will  furely 
find  a  reader,  who  will  not  have  read  the  Rights 
of  Man. 

Men  are  gregarious  in  their  nature  ;  they  form 
together-  in  fociety,  not  merely  from  neceflity,  to 
avoid  the  evils  of  lolitiule,  but  from  inclination  and 
mutual  attachment.  They  find  a  pofitive  pleafurc 
in  yielding  afliilance  to  each  other,  in  communi 
cating  their  thoughts  and  improving  their  faculties. 
pThi$  difpofnion  in  man  is  the  fource  of  morals  ; 
they  have  their  foundation  in  nature,  and  receive 
their  nonrifliment  from  fociety.  The  different 
portions  of  this  fociety,  that  call  themfelves  nations, 
have  generally  eftablifhed  the  principle  cf  (Securing 
to  the  individuals  who  compofe  a  nation,  the 
exclufive  enjoyment  of  the  fruits  of  their  own 
labour;  referving  however  to  the  governing  power 
the  right  to  reclaim  from  time  to  time  fo  much  of 
i'he  property  and  labour  of  individuals  as  fhall  be 
deemed  neceflary  for  the  public  fervice.  This  is 


liC  ADVICE    TO    THE 

the  general  bafis  on  which  property,  public  and 
private,  has  hitherto  been  founded.  Nations  have 
proceeded  no  taither.  Perhaps  in  a  rrrc-re  im 
proved  ftate  of  fcciety,,  the  time  \\ill  come,  when 
a  different  fyftem  may  be  introduced  ;  when  jt 
fhall  be  found  more  congenial  to  the  focial  nature 
of  man  to  exclude  the  idea  of  feperate  property, 
and  with  that  the  numerous  evils  which  feem  to 
be  entailed  upon  it.  But  it  is  not  my  intention  in 
this  work  to  enter  upon  that  enquiry. 

When  the  feudal  fyftem,  with  all  its  ferocitier, 
v/as  in  full  operation,  the  fuperior  lord,  who  re- 
prefented  the  power  of  the  ftate,  granted  the  lands 
to  his  immediate  vaflals,  on  condition  of  military 
fervice.  They  engaged  to  ferve  in  the  wars  of  the 
lord  paramount  a  certain  number  of  days  in  the 
year,  at  their  own  expence.  Thus  they  ftipulated 
as  to  the  quantity  of  fervice  ;  but  gave  up  the  right 
of  private  judgment,  as  to  the  wjtfl  of  tke  war. 
This  is  the  origin  of  the  revenue  f)ftem  of  mod 
ern  Europe  ;  and  it  began  by  debating  the  minds 
of  the  whole  community  ;  as  it  hurried  them  into 
actions,  of  which  they  were  not  to  enquire  into 
the  juftice  or  propriety.  Then  came  the  fscage- 
tenures  ;  which  were  lands  granted  to  another  clais 
of  vailals,  on  condition  of  plough! Kg  the  lord's 
fields  and  performing  his  hufbandry.  This  was 
a  more  rational  kind  of  fervice  ;  though,  by  a 
{hocking  pervertion  of  terms,  it  wa£  called  lefe 
honorable. 

In  proportion  as  war  became  lefs  productive, 
and  its  profits  rmre  precarious,  than  thofe  of  huf 
bandry,  the  tenures  upon  knight-fervice  were 
Converted  into  focage- tenures  ;  and  finally  it  was 
found  convenient  in  mod  cafes,  especially  in  Eng 
land,  to  make  a  commutation  of  the  whole  into 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  Ill 

money,  in  certain  fixed  fums  ;  and  this,  by  its 
fubfequent  modifications  and  extenfions,  has  ob- 
twined  the  name  of  a  land-tax.  The  feudal  rev 
enues  of  the  crown,  though  they  were  fuppofed  to 
be  fufficient  for  the  ordinary  purpofes  of  govern 
ment,  were  capable  of  being  increafed  on  any  ex 
traordinary  occafion  ;  -and  fuch  extraordinary  oc- 
cailons  were  fure  to  happen,  as  often  as  the  gov 
ernment  chofe  to  draw  more  money  from  the  peo 
ple.  It  began  this  operation  under  the  name  of 
aids  to  the  king,  fulfidia  regis  ;  and,  in  England 
(before  it  was  found  necefTary  to  work  the  engine 
by  regular  parliaments)  various  expedients  were 
ufed  to  raife  from  different  clailes  of  the  commu 
nity  thefe  extraordinary  aids.  In  many  cafes  the 
authority  of  the  pope  was  brought  in  to  the  alTift- 
ance  of  the  kin^,  to  enable  him  to  levy  money  for 
tMe  court.  The  pope,  as  head  of  the  church,  re 
ceived  a  revenue  from  the  people  of  England 
through  the  Ezigliih  clergy  ;  and  the  king,  on  cer 
tain  occafion0,  agreed  with  hi  in  that  lie  fhoukl 
double  his  demand  ;  or,  condition  that  the  addi 
tional  fum  to  be  railed,  iluuld  be  divided  between 
themfelves.* 

A  perpetual  pretext  for  thefe  additional  impof].. 
tions  was  always  to  be  found  in  foreign  wars.—- 
Edward  the  firft  mud  fubduc:  the  Wvlch  ;  a  Ions; 
fucceflion  of  kings  made  the  glory  of  the'Britifh 
nation  to  confiit  in  the  reduction  of  Ireland  ; 
oihers,  in  conquering  the  tomb  of  Chrift  ;  and 
others,  the  crown  of  France.  But  in  common 
occtirrencies,  where  the  call  for  money  could  not 
be  predicated  on  lany  national  ubjecl  ftifficienrly 
glaring  to  excite  the  emhufiafm  or  roufe  the  fears 


tix 


ixes 


,  page  6, 


112  ADVICE    TO    THE 

of  the  people,  it  was  the  policy  of  the  king  to  de 
tach  fome  particular  dalles  of  the  community 
from  the  common  intereft,  and  to  extort  money 
from  them,  as  from  a  common  enemy.  Thus  all 
Grangers  were  heavily  taxed  on  coming  into  the 
realm  ;  thus  Jews,  with  all  the  wealth  they  pofTeff- 
f  d,  were  declared  to  be  the'  abfolute  property  of, 
the  king  ;*  thus,  after  the  religion  of  the  govern 
ment  was  changed,  the  papifts  and  non-jurors  were 
taxeji  double  to  the  profeifors  of.  the  national  re 
ligion  ;  and  thus  the  king  could  take  a  favage  ad 
vantage  of  the  misfortunes  of  individuals,  and  feizev 
their  property,  under  the  title  of  wrecks,  waifs, 
treafure-tryvC)  Jh'ays,  amercements^  and  forfeitures. 
Thefe,  and  a  vaft  variety  of  other  inventions, 
have  been  praeiifed  hy  the  Engllfli  government, 
to  legalize  partial  robberies,  and  take  poffelfion 
of  the  people'.1-  monev,  without  the  trouble  of  afk- 
ing  for  it.  But  all  thefe  means  were  infufficient 
t  )  funply  the  unlimited  expences  of  a  government 
founded  on  orders,  privileges,  rank,  and  ignorance, 
The  moft  effectual  way  to  carry  on  the  great  bufi- 
nefs  of  revenue  was  found  to  be  through  the  inter 
vention  of  a  parliament  ;  and  for  this  purpofe  the 
farce  of  reprefeufatioH  has  been  acled  over  in  tins 
country,  to  much  better  effecl  than  sny  fpecics  of 
fraud  or  violence  has'been  in  any  other. 


* 
•' 


In  one  of  the   laws    cf  Edivard  the    Cenfrffor 

•'which  was  repeatedly  enforced  long  after  the  ccnqueftj 
and  perhaps  is  not  repealed  to  tins  day  )  the  ciaufe 
respecting  the  Jeivs  is  in  thefe  words  :  Judxi  ct 
omnia  fua  funt  regis  ;  quod  in  quifpiam  datinuerit 
eos,  vel  pecuniam  eorurn,  perquirat  rex,  fi  vult, 
tanquam  fuum  propriutn. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  1 1£ 

It  would  be  an  infult  to  the  underftandmg  of 
any  reader  at  this  day,  todefcribe  to  him  a  thing 
fo  well  known,  as  the  manner  in  which  this  game 
is  played  between  the  different  branches  of  the 
government.  The  fecret  is  out  j  and  the  friends 
of  the  fyftem,  who  ufed  to  beoccupied.in  conceal- 
ins;  its  operation,  are  now  engaged  in  defending  it. 
The  drift  of  their  defence  is  to  change  the  mode  of 
the  deception;  and  perfuade  t he  people  by  argument, 
to  fuffer  to  pafs  before  their  eyes  in  open  day-light, 
fcenes  which  have  hitherto  been  acled  only  in  the 
dark.  The  curtain  has  fallen  from  their  hands  ; 
and  they  row  declare  that  the  play  can  go  on  with 
out  it.  This  for  England,  forms  a  new  aera  in 
cabinet  politics.  While  the  fyitem  remains  the 
fame,  the  fcberne  for  carry  ing  it  on  is  totally  new- 
modelled  ;  and,  like  other  novelties  in  the  courfe 
of  humaR  improvement,  it  becomes  a  proper  fub* 
jecT:  of  our  investigation. 

1  have  known  a  juggler,  who,  after  having  for 
a  long  time  excited  wonder  and  drawn  money 
from  the  multitude,  by  tricks  which  were  fuppo- 
fed  to  be  the  effldl  of  magic,  would  come  for 
ward  with  an  engaging  frarxknefs,  and  declare 
that  there  was  really  nothing  fupernatural  in  the 
art  ;  that  it  was  only  the  efFecl  of  a  little  experi 
ence  and  attention  to  phyfical  caufes,  not  beyond 
the  capacity  of  any  one  in  the  company  ;  that, 
though  he  had  deceived  them  thris  far,  he  was 
jnow  ready  to  undeceive  them  ;  and,  for  another 
fee,  he  would  go  through  the  fame  courfe  again, 
with  the  explanations.  This  ingenious  conftilioa 
redoubled  their  curkmty  ^  the  fpeflators  continu 
ed  their  attention,  and  renewed  'their  contribiu- 
liens, 

K   2 


114  ADVICE    TO    THE 


The  government  of  Great  Britain,  under  king, 
lords  and  boroughs,  is  now  defended  both  in  and 
out  of  parliament,  by  arguments  unknown  10  for 
mer  politicians.  As  nearly  as  any  words,  except 
the  right  ones,  can  exprefs  the  full  force  of  thefe 
argument",  they  are  ilated  by  their  authors  in  the 
following  lanaya^e  :  "  No  people  ever  has  been 

o  o       o  I         r 

or  ever  can  be  capable  of  knowing  what  is  for 
their  own  good,  of  making  their  own  laws,  or  of 
underftanding  them  after  they  are  made  :  as  the 
people  of  England,  during  the  time  of  the  com- 
iripn  wealth,  imbibed  a  different  opinion,  it  has 
been  thought  bed,  efpecially  fince  the  laft  revolu 
tion,  to  chcriih  them  in  their  error,  in  order  to 
come  more  eafily  at  their  money.  We  therefore 
told  them  that  they  were  free  ;  that  they,  as  En- 
glifhrnen,  ought  to  be  free,  becaufe  their  anceftors 
were  fo  ;  that  Englifh  liberty  was  the  envy  and 
admiration  of  the  world  ;  that  the  French  were 
their  natural  enemies,  becaufe  they  were •  (laves  ; 
and  it  was  neceffary  to  make  a  war  once  in  feven 
years,  to  keep  up  this  idea  ;  that  we  were  forry 
for  the  incrcafing  burthen  of  their  taxes  ;  but  that 
was  a  circumitance  not  to  be  regarded  by  a  free 
people,  as  they  had  the  privilege  of  taxing  them- 
felves,  and  their  taxes  were  the  price  of  their 
freedom  in  church  and  ftate  ;  that,  we  intended 
to  lefTen  their  burthens  as  foon  as  the  enemies  to 
our  religion  and  to  our  happy  conftitution  were 
deflroyed.  But  now,  gentlemen,  we  fee  you 
have  difc over ed,  and  v,  e  are  willing  to  acknow 
ledge,  that  this  w.  s  all  a  deception  :  as  to  Hberty, 
it  is  but  a  name  ;  man  gives  it  up  on  entering  into 
fociety,  in  order  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  being 
governed  j  it  never  was  nor  ever  will  be,  realized 
by  any  nation  under  heaven  j  \vhnefs  the  horrors 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS. 


of  pretended  liberty  in  France,  the  daily  aflaflina- 
tions  and  perpetual  robberies  which  you  fee  in 
Mr.  Burke 's  book  from  beginning  to  end  ;  \vit- 
nefs  the  late  infatuation  of  the  Americans  ;  who, 
already  recoveriiv  their  fenfes,  and  fick  of  their 
boafted  independence,*  are  now  wifhing  to  return 
to  the  protection  of  their  mother-country,  where 
they  could  purchafe  their  laws  ready  raade  by  n?, 
who  underftand  the  bufmefs  ;  as  to  the  church, 
we  are  convinced  it  is  no  matter  on  what  fort  of 
religion  it  is  founded,  provided  it  be  well  connec 
ted  with  the  ftate.  We  (hall  fay  nothing  in  fu 
ture  of  the  burthen  of  taxes,  as  it  has  been  falily 
called,  the  phrafe  itfelf  has  no  longer  any  mean 
ing  ;  it  is  now  clearly  known  that  public  taxes 
are,  in  themfelves,  a  public  benefit  ;  every  well- 
wifher  to  his  country  muft  wifh  them  to  increafe  ; 
and  for  that  purpofe  he  will  do  all  in  his  power  to 
multiply  the  occafions  for  creating  them  ;  for  it  is 
acknowledged  by  all  good  fubje£ts,  that  a  national 
debt  is  national  profperity,  and  that  v>re  grow  rich 
in  proportion  to  the  money  we  pay  out.  We  are 
as  frank  to  confefs,  as  any  caveller  is  to  aflert, 
that  the  Houfe  ot  Commons  is  not  a  reprefcnta- 
tion  of  the  people  ;  it  has  no  onnedlion  with 
them,  and  it  is  no  longer  to  our  pnrpofe  to  fup- 
pofethat  it  has  ;  for  the  people  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  government,  except  to  be  governed  ;  but 
-the  Ploufeot  Commons  is  retained  in  the  ftate,  for 
the  far^e  reafon  that  the  other  branches  of  the  le- 

gillature,  and  that  courts  and  armies  are  retained, 
/ 

*  This  is  afer'tGUs  argument,  itfed  by  feveral  wri 
ters  as  well  as  parliamentary  and  coffee-bouje  orators, 
to  prove  that  liberty  cannot  exijt  in  any  country.  See 
Dr.  Tathain  and  others. 


.II 6  ADVICE    TO    THE 

for  the  fake  of  increafing  the  wealth  and  happinefs 
of  the  people  in  the  augmentation  of  the  revenue," 
Let  any  perfon  look  over  the  whole  chaos  of 
writings'  and  fpeeches  that  have  been  publifhed 
within  the  laii  year  againft  innovations  in  the  go 
vernment,  and  I  believe  he  will  fcarcely.  find  aa 
argument  more  or  lefs  than  what  are  here  compri 
zed.  Now  this  is  clearly  a  different  ground  from 
what  lias  heretofore  been  taken  in  this  country  for 
the  fupport  of  the  old  fyftem.  It  wfed  to  be 
thought  neceffary  to  flatter  and  deceive  ;  but  here 
every  thing  is  open  and  candid.  Mr.  Burke,  in  a 
frenzy  of  paflion,  has  drawn  away  the  veil  ;  and 
ariftociacy,  like  a  decayed  proftitute,  whom  paint*- 
ing  and  patching  will  no  lunger  embellifh,  throws 
off  her  covering,  to  get  a  livelihood  by  difplaying 
her  uglinefs. 

It  is  hard  to  pronounce  with  certainty  on  the 
'  fuccefs  of  a  project  (o  new  ;  but  it  appears  to  me 
extremely  improbable  that  the  naked  deformities 
of  defpotifm  can  long  be  pleafing  to  a  nation  fo 
enlightened  as  the  one  to  which  thefe  arguments 
are  addrefled,  I  cannot  but  think  they  are  ill 
add re fled,  and  that  their  authors  have  milted  their 
policy  in  differing  the  people  to  open  their  eyes  to 
their  true  function.  It  is  certain  that  the  Cardinal 
de  Richlieu  has  given  them  different  advice.  He, 
like  molt  other  great  men,  is  lefs  known  by  his 
writings  than  his  actions  ;  but  he  left  a  pofthu- 
mous  work,  called  a  Political  Teftament,  which 
has  been  remarkably  neglefled  by  thofe  for  whofe 
good  it  was  intended  ;  and  by  none  more  than  by 
the  prefent  friends  of  ariftocracy  in  England. 
That  profound  politician  obfervcs,  "  That  fub- 
**jedls  with  knowledge,  fenfe  or  reason,  are  as 
f(  monfirous  as  a  beaft  with  an  hundred  eyes,  and 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  117 

"  that  fuch  a  bead  would  never  bear  its  burthen 
"  peaceably  The  people  mull:  be  hood-winked, 
"  or  rather  blinded,  if  yeu  would  have  them  tame 
"  and  patient  drudges.  In  ihorf,  you  muft  treat 
"  them  every  way  1'ke  pack-horfcs  or  mule?,  not 
"  excepting  the  bells  about  their  necks  ;  which 
"  by  their  perpetual  jingling,  may  be  of  ufe  to 
i(  drown  their  cares." 

It  muft  be  obferved,  however,,  that  in  the  bu- 
finefs  of  taxation,  which  is  nearly  all  the  bufmefs 
of  a  public  nature  that  is  done  by  the  government 
in  England  ;  a  policy  not  very  different  from  that 
of  Richlieu  has  been  pra6tifed  with  great  fuccefs. 
The  aggregate  quantity  of  the  revenue  raifed  upon 
the  people  has  indeed  been  fotnewhat  known  ;  but 
the  portion  paid  by  each  individual,  and  the  time, 
manner  and  reafrn  of  hi?  paying  it^'are^rircum- 
itances  enveloped  in  total  darknefs.  16  keep  the 
fiibje<S  ignorant -of  thefe  things  is  the  great  fecret 
in  the  modern  fcience  <  \  finance.  The  money  he 
pays  to  government-  being  incorporated  with  every 
thing  on  which  he  lives,  all  that  he  can  know  of 
the  matter  is,  that  whether  he  eats,  drinks  or 
iJeeps,  walks  or  rides,  fees  the  light  or  breathes 
the  air, — whatever  he  docs,  drains  from  him  a 
tax  ;  and  this  tax  is  to  fupport  the  luxury  of  thofe 
who  tell  him  they  are  born  to  govern.  But  on 
which  of  thefe  functions  the  tax  falls  the  heavieft — 
whether  the  greateft  proportion  lies  upon  his  bread 
or  his  beer,  his  (hoes  or  his  hat,  his  labours  or  his 
pleafures,  his  virtues  or  hi-  vices,  it  is  impoflible 
lor  any  man  to  know.  As  therefore  he  cannot 
difpenfe  with  the  whole  of  his  animal  functions, 
without  ceafing  to  exiit,  and  as  this  expedient  is 
not  often  fo  eligible  as  ful  mining  to  the  impoii- 


ri8  A&VICE    TO 

tion,  there  is  no  danger  but  the  tax  will  be  col 
lected. 

It  is  difficult  to  defcribe,  perhaps  impoffible  to 
conceive,  the  quantity  of  evils  wrought  in  fociety 
fr'«:n  this  mode  of  colle&ing  revenue  by  decep 
tion  ;  or  laying  the  duty  in  fuch  a  manner,  that 
the  people  ihali  not  be  fenfible  when  or  huvy  it  is 
paid.  This  is  extremely  unlike  that  manly  prin 
ciple  of  mutual  confidence  on  which  men  unite  in. 
fociety.  It  is  the  reverfe  of  that  conduct,  which, 
arifing  from  the  open  integrity  of  our  own  hearts, 
is  the  guarantee  of  integrity  in  others.  It  is  a 
policy  that  muft  have  originated  from  two  con 
tending  interefts  in  the  nation,  from  a  jealoufy  of 
their  own  power  in  the  legiflanve  body,  from  a 
knowledge  that  fomcthing  was  wrong  in  them- 
felves  or  ia  the  fyftem,  and  from  a  confcionfnefs 
that  one  or  tire  other,  or  both,  were  unworihy  of 
the  confidence  of  the  people  by  whom  they  were 
fnppcried. 

I  am  aware  that  in  the  doctrine  which  I  dial! 
labour  to  eftablifh  on  this  fubjefl,  I  (hall  have  to 
encounter  the  whole  weight  of  opinion  o*  modern 
times.  Men  of  all  purtier,  and  of  all  defcriptions, 
both  the  fiiends  an!  the  enemies  of  equal  liberty, 
feem  to  be  agreed  in  one  point  relative  to  public 
contributions  :  That  the  tax  fiould  be  fo  far  dijgui- 
fed)  as  to  render  the  payment  imperceptible  at  the  time 
*f  paying  it.  This  is  almoft  the  only  point  in 
which  the  old  and  new  fyfiems  agree,  in  thofe 
countries  where  a  change  of  principle  has  taken 
place  ;  it  is  one  of  thcfe  rare  pofi lions,  on  which 
theorifts  themfelves  have  formed,  but  one  opinion. 
It  is  therefore  not  without  much  reflection,  and 
a?  great  a  degree  of  csution  as  a  feriotis  advocate, 
Jfor  truth  ought  ever  to  obTerve,  that  I  (hail  pro^ 


PRIVILEGED  ORDERS.  119 

•ceed  to  examine  a  pofition,  which,  refting  on  the 
accumulated  experience  of  mank'nd,  has  not  yet 
been  ihaken  by  enquiry. 

I  will   begin  by  acknowledging  the  force  of  two 
obfervations,  which  go  to  the  fupport  of  the  pref- 
ent  fyilem,    as  it   applies  to  mod  of   the    exifting 
governments  and  to  the  prefent  ftate  of  fociety  in 
Europe:    I.  As  long  as  public  revenues  muft   re* 
main  as  great  as   they  now  are,  and  as  difpropor- 
-tioned  to  the  abilities  of  the  people,  it  is  abfolutely 
necelTary    to  difguife  the  taxes  on   which  they  de 
pend  ;  ciherwife  they   cannot  be  collected.   2.  As 
long  as  thefe  revenues  are   applied  to  the  purpofcs 
to   which  they  now  are,  it  is  impoilible  to  collect 
them  but  by   fraud  or  violence  ;  and  violence  has 
been  found  by  repeated   trials,  cfpecially   in   Eng 
land,   not  to  anfvver  the   purpofe  fo  well  as  fraud* 
While   fociety   remains  divided   into  two  parties, 
•which   are    coniiitutionally  oppofed  to  each  other, 
it  is  impollible  but  that  they  muft  regard  each  other 
as  enemies,  and  then  conduct  muft  be  the  dictate  of 
mutual   averfion.     When  the  people  fee  that  pay 
ing  money  to  their  governors,    is  paying  it  to  their 
enemies,   they   certainly  never  can  give   it  with  a 
good   will  ;  and  when  they  know  that  this  money 
ferves  only  to  Strengthen  the  hands  of  their  oppref- 
fors  in  forging  new  weapons  of  opprellion  againft 
themfelves,  they  muft  feel  an  obligation   to  with 
hold  it,    rather   than  to  pay  it.      In  this  cafe,  de 
frauding  the   revenue  is  confidered  not    only   as 
juftice  to  themfelves,  but  as  a  duty  to  their  chil 
dren.     A  tax  under  thefe  circumftances   is  more 
naturally  objectionable  than  the  Dane-gelt^  which 
\vas  formerly  paid  in  England  :  that  a  ntribution 
was  made  by  the  people,  to  hire  a  foreign  enemy  to 
leave  them  in  peace  ;  and  it  always  had  a  tempo- 


120  ADVICE    TO    THS 

rary  good  £ffe&,  But  a  contribution  paid  to  the 
people's  enemies  at  home,  who  being  few  in 
number,  mufl  f<  on,  it  unfupported,  fall  of  .them- 
fclves,  cannot  prom  He  even  a  temporary  benefit  ; 
the  hand  of  the  t  nemy  that  receives  it,  does  not  fo 
niiich  as  lay  down  it's  weapon  while  it  grafps  the 
money.  As  long  therefore  as  fociety  continues  in 
its  prefent  disordered  condi-ion,  any  arguments 
drawn  from  moral  propriety  imii'i;  be  overpowered 
by  the  ftrong  voice  of  necefiity  ;  for  reafons  of 
iiature  generally  tail  in  a  couiliQ.  with  reafons  cf 
(late. 

But  as  a  new  order  of  things  begins  to  make  its ' 
appearance,  and  principle  is  no  longer  to  be  bor 
rowed  from  precedent,  we  will  endeavour  to  dif- 
covcr  the  ground  ot  the  received  do&rine  relative 
to  taxation  ;  and  enquire  how  far  that  doctrine  is, 
in  itfelf,  an  object  of  reform.  Out  of  the  feven- 
teen  millions  flerling  which  are  snnually  paid  in- 
to  the  exchequer  in  England,  but  about  two  mil 
lions  and  a  half  are  levied  in  ciire<&  taxes  ;  that  is, 
in  taxes  laid  in  fuck  a  manner  a?  to  be  paid  direct 
ly  to  the  fi Teal  officers  by  theperfons  on  whom  the 
burthen  falls.  Thefe  sre  chiefly  comprehended 
in  the  taxes  on  lands  and  houfes.  In  France,  be 
fore  the  revolution,  the  proportion  of  direcl  taxes 
was  much  greater.  According  to  the  ftatement  of 
M.  Necker,  it  was  near  eight  millions  ilerling, "out 
©f  about  twenty-four  millions  and  a  half,  of  which 
the  public  revenue  confuted.  This  is  fomething 
lefs  than  a  third  ;  while  the  proportion  in  Eng 
land  is  little  more  than  a  fevcnth.  Thefe  propor 
tions  are  fuppofed  by  fome  of  the  mod:  approved 
reafoners  on  the  fubjecT:,  in  each  country,  particu 
larly  M.  Necker  and  Sir  John  Sinclair,  to  be  as 
high  as  it  would  be  prudent  to  go  with  direct  tax- 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  121 

atior>.  The  remaining  portion  of  the  immenfe 
revenues  in  thcfe  two  Countries,  about  fixteen  mil- 
•lions  and  a  half  ior  France,  and  fourteen  and  a 
half  for  England,  was  vaifed  in  the  ftrmer,  and  is 
iiill  raifed  in  the  laiter,  by  indirect  taxation  ;  by 
•cuttoms,  excife,  asd  inland  duties  of  various  kind  , 
called  taxes  on  conjumbtwn.  The  art  of  impofing 
thefe,  fo  as  to  infure  their  colL-clion,  is  to  incor 
porate  the  fum  to  he  raifed  tor  government  with 
ihw  price  of  every  tiling  for  which  men  pay  their 
money  in  the  courfe  of  life.  h  is  the  hock  with- 
in  the  bait  t<f  all  our  pleauires,  of  all  our  conveni 
ences,  and  of  all  our  neceHurks.  "The  book  can- 
•noi  be  feparated  from  the  bait,  nor  the  bait  from 
our  exigence.  Whh  regard  to  individuals,  the 
gueiHon  is  nor,  fhall  we  pay  the  tax  r  but,  fhall 
we  exift  ?  The  continuance  of  life  Is  a  continuance 
o*~  the  tax  ;  aikd  the  langijuge  of  the  fvih  m  is,  p^v 
the  (iebi  co  governmciii.  or  puy  the  debt  to  au- 
t  urc. 

It  is  fiid  in  ethics,  on  the  Pihj;-&  of  neceffity* 
t  i i a ; ,  i u p p o ! i r i g  their  is  n o  c h o ice  w t  a cf  i o n ,  t h c  re 
Cu/:i  be  ao  moral  agency ,  and  no  v  li  tue.  \V  e  will  not 
rji«.]Hire  into  the  propriety  of  the  iuppofition  as  it  re- 
ip*;dii  our  relation  to  the  Deity,  and  our  fubjcclion 
to  the  great  laws  of  nature  ;  but  mere  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  reaioniug  is  juil,  when  applied  to 
the  laws  of  iocicty.  Perhaps  ir  is  tnit,  that, 
though  I  am  proinpred  by  the  inviiible  deltiny  of 
nature,  to  dj  an  aclion  for  the  good  of  my  tellow- 
creaiiijcs,  tins  action  is  virtuous  ;  but  when  the 
neceflity  tv^r  this  action  arifes  directly  from  the 
pofuivclaws  of  focjety,  in  wrhofe  favour  it  is  to  be 
performed — when  the  argument  derives  its  toice 
trom  the  ax  held  over  my  neck,  no  idea  of  virtue 
<*\\  be  annexed  to  the  adion  ;  it  is  merely  me- 
L 


122  ADVICE    TO    THE 

chanical.  On  this  ground  we  may  eftablifli  a 
ppfition,  which  I  believe  will  not  be  controvert 
ed  :  that  the  exerclfe  of  private  judgment  is  the 
foundation  of  moral  virtue  ;  2nd  confequentty, 
that  ail  operations  of  government  cany  deitri:dion 
to  the  latter,  in  proportion  as  they  deprive  us  of 
the  former.  An  arbitrary  order  impoftd  by  a 
mailer,  wheiher  it  be  upon  a  nation  or  a  fimjile 
ciomeftic  fervant,  tends  to  debafe  the  mind,  ahci 
crufh  that  native  dipnity  which  is  abfuliftely  necef- 
fary  to  the  cxidciice  of  merit,  <>r  of  kit  :*pproba- 
tion.  And  the  citecl  that  inch  an  order  prc  duces 
on  the  mind  is  nearly  the  fame,  whether  tneafiion 
enforced  be  right  or  wrong. 

The  true  object  of  the  focial  compact  is  to  im 
prove  our  moral  faculties,  as  well  as  tq  fupply  our 
phyfical  wants  ;  and  where  it  fails  in  the  fir  ft  of 
thcfe,  it  certainly  will  fail  in  the  laft.  But  where 
the  moral  purpofe  is  attained,  there  can  be  no  fear 
but  that  the  phyfical  one  will  be  the  ii.icparable 
corifequence  ;  place  fociety  on  this  footing,  and 
there  will  be  no  aid  or  .duty  that  the  general  inter- 
eft  can  require  from  individuals,  but  what  every 
individual  will  underftand.  His  duties,  when 
firft  propofed,  will  all  be  voluntary,  and  being 
clearly  undi-ritood  to  be  founded  on  the  good  of 
the  whole  community,  he  will  find  a  greater  per- 
fonal  intereft  in  the  performance  than  he  would  in 
the  violation.  There  is  no  pofition  more  undenia 
ble  in  my  apprehenfion,  than  that  this  would  al 
ways  be  the  cafe  with  a  great  majority  of  any  peo 
ple  ;  and  if  we  fuppofe  a  fmall  portion  of  refrac 
tory  perfons,  who,  from  want  of  original  con- 
lent,  or  from  a  fubfequent  change  of  opinion, 
(hould  re f life  to  perform  their  duties  ;  in  this  cafe, 
the  opinions  of  the  great  majority  aflumc  the  fhape 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  I2j 

of  government,  and  procure  a  compliance  by  com- 
pulfion  and  reftraint.  This  is  the  onlyfure  foun 
dation  on  which  \vc  can  ever  build  the  real  dignity 
of  fociety,  or  the  correfponding  energy  of  govern 
ment.  It  is  eftabli fhing  the  moral  relations  of  men 
on  the  moral  fenfe  of  men  ;  and  it  is  this  union 
alone  that  can  cherifh  our  efteem  or  command  our 
rcfpech 

On  this  plan,  it  is  of  the  utmoft  importance 
that  the  wants  of  the  ft  ate  fhould  never  be  dif- 
guifed,  and  that  the  duty  of  the  individual,  in  Ap 
plying  thofe  wants,  mould  never  be  performed  by 
deception.  If  the  ftate  be  properly  organized, 
fuch  difguife  and  deception  \vill  be  unneceflary  ; 
and  if  we  wim  to  preferve  it  from  degeneration, 
they  will  be  extremely  dangerous  ;  a?,  by  attack 
ing  the  moral  fenfe  of  ihc  people,  they  fap  the 
foundation  of  the  (late. 

When  a  company  of  merchants,  or  other  pri 
vate  men, engage  in  an  cnterprife  that  requires  con 
tributions  in  money,  we  hear  of  no  difficulties  in 
railing  the  fiipulated  fums  among  the  different 
partners  in  tke  company.  Every  partner  makes 
it  his  bufinefs  to  underftand  the  nature  of  the  con 
cern  ;  he  expe6Ls  an  advantage  from  the  enter- 
prife,  and. pays  his  money  with  the  fame  willing- 
neis,  as  lie  wtnild  pay  it  in  his  private  bufineis. 
Me  would  feel  himfelf  infulted,  if  any  difi-uife 
were  thrown  upon  the  fuhjeft,  to  cheat  him  into 
his  duty.  Indeed,  wh^n  the  enterprife  has  come 
to  an  end,  or  when  there  is  an  apprehenfion  of 
lois,  or  a  fufpicion  of  mifmsnagcmcut  in  ti;e 
agents,  it  is  natural  to  expert  a  reluctance  in 
payment,  which  is  only  to  be  overcome  by  the 
arts  of  deception  or  the  coinpukion  c>f  law.  But 
this  1;  iiot  cLc  L;*fc  whil^  the  cc:::p:my  is  in  a  pro!- 


TZA  ADVICE    TO    THK 

perou.s  condi  ion,  nnd  while  its  members  arc  uni 
ted  by  mutual  confidence  in  purfuit  of  a  common 
intereft.  A  nation,  whofe  'government  fhould  be 
habitually  in  the  hands  of  the  whole  community, 
would  always  be  a  company  in  this  prosperous  con 
dition  ;  i*s  concerns  would  be  a  perpetual  and 
pronriifiRe;  enterpnfc,  in  which  every  individu.il 
would  find)  his  mterefl  and  repofe  his  confidence. 
Perfonal  protection  and  public  nappinefs  would  be 
fh**  objefts  aimed  at  in  the  nd  mini  (I  rat  ion  ;  and 
wou!;l  be  infallibly  attained,  becaufe  nr»  hu 
man  accidents  could  prevent  it.  There  could  be 
no  fufpTcion  of  mifmanagement  in  the  ngents, 
they  being  perpetually  unclrr  the  control  of  the 
vvholf  people.  Every  -reafon,  therefore,  which 
roi:ld  induce  individuals  to  \\ith-hold  their  pecuni 
ary  contribution?,  would  he  entirely  removed  ; 
^M!  the  fame  motives  which  influences  nun  to 
i.'jve  hi-  attention  and  nay  his  money  in  hi?  own 
perfonal  concerns,  would  engage  him  to  do  the 
iaine  things  in  the  concerns  of  the  public. 

If  thefs  pofitions  are  not  true,  then  have  I  mif- 
concewed  the  ckarp(^.er  of  the  human  heart,  and 
the  real  efTc&s  to  be  wrought  on  fociety  by  a  ra 
tional  fyftem  of  government  ;  but  if  they  are  ac 
knowledged  to  be  true,  it  ought  to  be  an  inc'ifpen- 
Jible  maxim  to  abolifh  and  avoid  every  vefti^e  of 
ind;re6l  taxation.  It  muft  appear  evident,  that  to 
raife  money  from  the  people  by  any  other  method, 
than  by  openly  aligning  to  every  one  his  portion, 
and  then  demanding  that  portion  as  a  dirtcl  con 
tribution,  is  unnecefftjry  to  the  objeft  of  revenue, 
and  definitive  to  the  firft  principles  of  fociety. 
It  has  long  been  complained  of  in  England  (fo  long 
that  the  complaint  has  almoft  ceafed  to  make  any 
knpreflion  even  on  the  minds  of  thofe  who  repeal 


PRIVILEGED   ORDERS. 


it)  that  /he  Excifc  is  an  odious  tax  The  reafon  on 
which  the  complaint  is  founded  is  what  the  prin 
ciple  of  government  would  naturally  fugged  ;  but 
it  is  not  the  reafon  which  I  iliould  afligri.  The 
tax  is  (aid  to  be  odious,  chiefly  becaufe  it  throws  a 
vexatious  power  into  the  hands  of  the  revenue 
officers,  to  fearch  the  houfes  and  infpe6t  the  afF.urs 
of  individuals.  As  long  as  the  government  an- 1 
the  people  are  two  oppofi^e  parties  in  the  (rate,  at 
continual  enmity  with  each  o'her,  it  is  natural 
that  each  party  fhould  vviih  to  conceal  its  .opera 
tions,  the  bttter  to  lucceed  in  their  mutual  hollil- 
ity.aati  defence  \  for  fecrecy  is  one  of  the  weapons 
of  war.  But  it' the  (late  con  filled  of  nothing  more 
t.h.in  one  great  fqeiety  compofcd  of  all  the  people, 
it  fhe  government  was  their  will,  and  its  object 
their  happinefs,  the  reafons  for  fecrecy  would 
ccafe,  the  intefline  war  would  ceafe,  the  par 
ties  would  ceafe. 

The  bufinefs  of  the  (late  and  the  bufinefs  of  in 
dividuals  might  befafely  expofed  to  all  the  world. 
An  open  generofity  of  conduct,  the  reciprocal 
fign  and  guarantee  of  integrity,  would  mark  the 
character  of  every  member  of  fociety,  whether 
a6tlng  as  a  public  agent,  or  as  a  private  citizen. 

But  the  great  objection  which  ought  to  be  made 
againft  the  excife,  is  the  fame  as  will  apply  to 
cufloms,  duties,  and  all  other  tricks  of  a  iimilur 
kind,  by  which  the  money  is  drained  from  the 
people  without  their  knowledge  or  confent.  The 
whole  fyftem  of  indirect  taxation,  fo  univerfal  ia 
Europe,  fo  much  extolled  by  the  athuT:  financiers, 
as  necefiary  in  compofing  their  err.)rmous  mailcs  of 
extorted  revenue,  is  wrong  from  its  foundation, 
i;nd  rnuil  be  vicious  in  its  practice.  It  is  built  on 
L  2 


126  ADVICE    TO    THE 

the  great  ariflocratical  principle,  that  men  muft 
be  governed  by  fraud  ;  and  it  can  be  only  neceffary 
to  that  fyftem  of  management  which  divides  the 
nation  into  two  permanent  paries,  the  parry  that 
receives  and  the  party  that  pays. 

The  wretched  refource  that  governments  have 
found  in  lotteries,*  ton:ines,  and  annuities  upon 
fcparate  lives,  meiits  the  fevered  ccr.fure,  and 
ought  to  be  held  up  to  the  execration  of  mankind, 
the  moment  we  arc  ready  to  re  fort  to  the  real  prin 
ciples  oi  cur  nature,  in  managing  the  affairs  of 
nation0.  A  tontine  partakes  at  once  of  the  nature 
of  lotteries  and  of  fimple  Hie-annuiues  and  in 
volves  1:1  hfelf  the  principal  vices  of  both.  Like 
a  lottery  it  is  founded  in  the  fpirit  of  gambling  ; 
and  like  a  life-annuity,  it  detaches  a  man  from  the 
feelings  and  interefts  of  his  friends,  of  fociety  and 
of  all  mankind,  except  thofe  of  the  particular  clafs 
of  the  tontine  to  which  he  belongs  ;  and  to  them 
lie  is  rendered,  in  a  literal  fenfe,  a  mortal  enemy. 

Borrowing     money  upon   life-annuities,    as  an 

*  //  u\-7J  my  IntiHii-jn  in  this  place  to  have  noticed, 
fomewhat  more  at  large y  the  pernicious   tendency   of 
public  lotteries.     But  the  late  crifis  in  the  government- 
of  France^  when  the  people  found  it   necefi&fy  to  re- 
vife  their  Cwjiiiution,   offered  an  occq/ion  for  making 
fome  remarks  which  1  thought  m'ght  be  vjeful  to  them 
on  the  hufwefs  then  lying  before  them>  for  ivhich    the 
the  Convention  was  about  to  be  qffembkd.      I  therefore 
publifieda  fljort  Treatlje  on  lie  defcfls  of  their  Confli- 
tution  in  "  A  Letter  to  the  National  Convention," 
in  which  are  particularly  treated  the  fuljecl  of  lotte 
ries,  that  of  public  falaries,  and  f eve ral  other  mat 
ters,  which  othenvife  would  have  come  into  tt:is  f-JJay 
tn  Revenue. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS. 

operation  of  government,  has  been  much  mere 
practifed  in  France  than  in  England.  The  rea- 
fon  of  this  is  well  explained  by  Adam  Smith.* 
It  was  owing  to  the  fuperior  influence,  in  that 
country,  of  thofe  unnatural  difiinctions  among 
families,  which  prevent  them  from  adociating 
"with  each  other  on  the  principles  of  mutual  attach 
ment  ;  principles  congenial  to  the  human  near, 
and  no  lefs  neceiiary  to  individual  happinefs,  than 
to  the  good  order  of  fociety  and  the  proiperity  of  the 
ttate.  The  pride  of  birth  and  the  jealoufy  of  rank_ 
operate  on  fuciety  like  congelation  and  Conejtffiion 
on  a  body  of  water :  they  freeze  up  the  who]'* 
tnais,  and  break  iiinto-a  t hou fa nd  pieces  ;  whic.n 
refufc  to  unite  among  themfelvcs,  or  to  anf-ver 
the  purpofes  which  nature  has  afFigncd  to  that 
element.  The  genius  of  ariftocracy,  by  the  dif 
iinctions  of  birth,  had  eflabliilied  in  France  almofc 
as  many  ranks  as  there  were  families.  Thcfe 
were  perpetually  repelling  and  replied,  torment 
ed  by  jealoufies,  and  kept  afunder  -/  artiriciai 
averfions,  which  filcnced  the  voice  of  nature,  ami 
counteracted  every  object  of  fociety.  A  man  in 
this  frozen,  and  repulfive  (late  of  things,  becomes 
a  proper  object  for  the  government  to  fcduce  into 
afelfifh  hoftility  againfl  the  generous  duties  of  life, 
by  the  temptation  of  life-annuiiies.  An  eleg3nt 
French  author  dcfciibes  the  annuitant  as  having 
fubdued  every  fentirnent  moil  dear  to  the  human 
heart:  u  He  ainalle?  his  whole  capital  upon  his 
own  head,  makes  the  king  his  univerfal  legatee, 
fells  his  own  pofteriiy  at  the  rate  of  ten  per  cen». 
difmherits  his  brothers,  nephews,  friends,  and 
fometiaies  his  own  children.  He  never  marries  ; 

*fjftdtb  of  Nation^  Book  V.  Chap.  I.IL 


he  vegetates,  till  the  return  of  the  quarter  day, 
and  enquires  with  eagernefs  in  the  morning  whe 
ther  he  is  dill  alive  ;  his  whole  exercife  of  body 
and  mind  confifts  in  going  once  in  three  months  to 
the  notary  at  the  corner  of  '.he  ftreet  to  fign  his 
receipt,  and  obtain  a  certificate,  that  he  is  nut  yet 
dead."  The  officers  of  government  know  very 
vyell  the  advantages  derived  from  long  humid  win 
ters  and  epidemical  difeafes  ;  and  they  mud  deli-!  I 
in  the  winnings  of  the  game  thus  played  by  the 
public  treafury  in  partnerfhip  with  death.* 

I  am  fcnnble  that  all  thefe  maxims,  which  go 
to  a  change  of  iyftem  in  the  collection  of  revenue, 
are  deftined  t«>  veil  merely  in  fpeculation,  in  all 


*Fer  a  more  lively  and  affecting  p?  flu  re    than  I 

Jhould  be  able  h  give,   of  the   evils  anfing  from  this 

Jvftem  ,tht  reader  is  referred  to  the  Ihort  fketch,  drawn 

f'V   the  above    author ',   Mr.  Mercler  ;   tie  following 

is  a  p  fir t  of  it  : — 

41  But  h:.*'  is  it  pffiblc  that  a  wife  government 
c.uld  throw  open  the  gate  to  thofe  numerous  and  in 
credible  dif order*,  which  arc  tie  offspring  of  annuities 
on  lives  ?  The  bands  between  parents  and  children 
broken,  idlenefs  pcnfiwed,  celibacy  authorised,  Jelfijh- 
nefs  triumphant,  cruelty  reduced  mtojyjhm  and  prac 
tice  ;  fuc\)  are  the  j  mall  eft  evils  zvkicb  arije  from  thcja 
annuities.  Is  It  not  from  theje  personal  and  cxclujive 
enjoyments,  thefe  additional  incentives  to  felf-l^ve,  that 
parents,  friends  and  citizens  are  no  longer  known  ? 
frieriftfbip,  love,  tendemefi,  paternal  ajffefiivn,  all 
are  facrljlccd  to  annuities  ! 

The  young  women  who  have  poffed  the  'age  of  being 
•marriageable,  are,  In  Paris,  innumerable  \  they 
have  figned  contracts  en  annuities,  and  that  prevents 
tkeir  fignixg  cwtrttfls  of  marriage  \  for  the  frjl  re- 


PRIVILEGED  ORDERS.  129 

-  otmtries  ftill    afflicted   with    unnatural    plans   of 
government  ;   for  fo  they    muft   reft,  till   a  total 
change  of  principle  (bull   have   taken  place.     But 
let  it  "not  be  fa  id  that,  on  this  account,  the  hints 
here  given,  areufelefs.      If  they    are   founded   in 
truth  and  realbn,   the  French  Republic   will   foon 
l^c  Dole  to  adopt    them,     Ijy  the  time  that  us  ?o- 
•,  -.rnment    (hall  be  permanently  fettled,   its  public 

•  l"ht  will  doubtlefs  be   very  corfiderably  reduced, 
Its  necefTary  revenue  will  then  be  fo  frRall,  com- 
••  <rH  with  w*?at  it  hitherto  has  been,  the   people 
vu'l  be  fo  far  elevated  to  the   dignity   of  freemen, 
and  accuftomcd  to  the  duties  of  citizens,  that  they 

.  v/jll  find  a  fenllble  pleafure,  ra'her  than  a  fervile 
talk,  in  paying  their  Contributions  to  the  ftate. 
This  r^aioriing  mav  like  wife  be  thought  worthy 
of  confederation  in  fhe  United  States  of  America  ; 
where  perhaps  it  mny  be  followed  bv  the  fame- 
effrcls.  With  refpedl  to  other  countries,  we  muft 
v/ait.  A  reformation  of  fo  deep  a  nature  muft  be 
preceded  by  a  perfect  regeneration  of  foriety  ; 
fnch  as  can  only  beexpefted  from  a  radical  change 
of  principle  in  the  government. 

I  am  fenlible  that  men,  whofe  experience  in 
the  rmnngemeut  of  public  affair?  has  ta»ight  them 
to  j  uci  ere  v  i^h  feverity  on  the  various  perverftties 
of  human  nature,  will  find  many  obvious  objec 
tions  to  a  theory  fo  different  from  that  on  which 
their  pra£tiie  has  been  ioumied.  If  i  do  riot  an- 


which  they  can  make  muff  le  an  the  inevitable 
mijery  of  the  children,  who  might  be  the  offspring  *f 
juch  a  knot. 

A  contraff  on  annuities  always  ifihtes  on  individ 
ual,  and  prevents  the  fulfilment  oj  the  duties  gfi'/.'i- 
zen/hip," 


130  ADVICE    TO    THE 

ticipate  all  their  arguments  in  form,  I  certainly 
mean  to  do  it  infubftance  ;  for  I  am  not  unapprifed 
of  their  weight.  Where  the  revenue  is  to  be 
raifed  only  for  hone/i  purpofes,  and  where  it  is  to 
be  kept  within  a  moderate  corrpafs,  fo  that  the 
taxes  are  to  be  no  more  than  what  a  well-organi 
zed  community  would  be  willing  to  lay  upon  iffelf, 
all  arguments  againft  raiting  the  whole  by  djre£t 
taxation  are  reducible  to  thefe  two  points  :  the 
improvident  temper  of  one  clals  of  men,  and  the 
vnreafanMefe/fiftwefs  of  others,  have  always  ren 
dered  it  difficult  to  obtain  irom  them  their  contri 
butions  by  direft  and  open  means.  The  firft  of 
thefe  dalles  comprehends  many  of  the  poor  labour 
ing  people  in  the  great  towns.  Thffe  people  are 
in  the  habit  of  fpending  all  they  can  earn,  if  not 
for  the  neceifaries  of  lite,  at  leaft  for  fuperftuous 
or  vicious  gratifications.  They  never  provide  for 
a  future  want,  eveii  their  own  ;  much  lefs  would 
thty  think  of  providing  for  the  wants  of  the  ftate. 
As  it  is  vain  to  afk  for  money  where  it  does  not 
exift,  no  tax  can 'be  collected  by  applying  directly 
to  that  clafs  of  men.  It  is  therefore  thought  be  ft 
to  mingle  the  tax  with  their  meat  and  drink  ;  and, 
fince  they  will  fpend  all  their  money  for  thefe,  let 
a  part  of  it  go  to  the  ftate. 

To  this  argument  feveral  anfwers  may  be  offer 
ed  :  fir fly  it  is  in  a  great  meafure  owing  to  the 
inherent  defedts  of  the  government,  that  fuch  a 
clafs  of  improvident  nien  is  found  in  any  fociety. 
That  men  of  good  intellects  and  found  conftitu- 
tions  mould  be  inattentive  to  the  means  of  procur 
ing  happinefs,  is  certainly  contrary  to  the  analogy 
of  nature.  Indeed  we  overlook  the  caufe  when 
we  go  back  to  nature  for  it  ;  there  is  no  doubt  but 
it  is  always  to  be  found  in  their  relative  fa  nation 


PRIVILEGED  ORDERS.  131 

in  the  focial  (late.  It  is  the  want  of  early  inftruc- 
tion,  or  the  want  of  proper  obj eels  of  emulation 
to  ftimulate  the  mind  to  a  fenfe  of  its  own  dignity, 
as  relative  to  the  fociety  in  which  it  has  to  act. 
When  the  man  is  taught  to  know  and  feel  that  he 
never  can  rife  above  the  Condition  of  a  beaft  of 
burthen,  he  ads  at  lead  a  confident  part,  perhaps 
even  a  wife  part,  in  blunging  his  feelings,  and 
beating  down  his  mind  to'iKe  level  of  his  deflina- 
tion.  But  it  is  not  necdi>.ry  to  fuppofe  that  per- 
fons  in  general,  who  are  found  in  the  ciafs  above 
defciibed,-  have  to  go  through  the  fame  procefs  of 
reafoning,  and  then  of  killing  their  reafon,  in  or 
der  to  arrive  at  this  condition.  S-sch  indeed  mull 
have  been  the  origin  of  the  bufmefs  in  the  firft 
inftance  ^  but  afterward?,  the  greater  part  are 
tern  in  this  element  of  apaihy  ;  they  are  furround- 
ed  all  their  lives  by  no  other  examples  but  beings 
of  this  fort;  and  they  never  have  a  jhought  or  a 
ivifh  beyond  their  prefent  fituaiion.  Their  only 
object  is  to  baniih  all  thought  and  Rifle  every  vviili'- 
and  whether  they  perifh  under  the  walls  of  an  ak- 
houfe,  or  in  a  king's  ihip,  or  en  the  king's  gal 
lows,  is  to  them  a  matter  of  perfe&  indifference. 
Such  is  the  deplorable  condition  of  a  numerous 
clals  of  beings  whom  monarchs  and  rniniflers  mud 
recognize  as  their  fellow-creatures  ;  and  if  they 
are  called  more  vitious  than  their  rulers,  it  is  be- 
caufe  we  have  perverted  the  meaning  of  the  word, 
But  I  am  not  finding  fault  with  rnen^oi  any  partic 
ular  defcription  whatever.  In  this  drama  of  hu 
man  mifery,  in  which  fo  many  diftorted  charac 
ters  are  a£ted,  our  moral  faculties  are  warped  and 
fitted  to  the  part  affigned  us  ;  and  we  perform  it 
without  fcruple  or  enquiry.  The  judge  upon  the 
bench  is  fcarcely  more  to  blame,  than  the  ftupid 


ADVICE    TO 


felon  he  condemn*.  The  oppreiTors  anrl  the  op- 
p  relied,  of  ev  cry  "denomination,  are  in  general,  juM 
as  wicked  and  juit  as  abfnrd  as  the  fyftem  of  gov- 
erriment  requires.  In  mercy  to  them  all,  let  the 
fytlem  be  changed,  Jet  fociety  be  rciiored,  and 
human  nature  retrieved. 

Thofe  who  compofc  the  middle  cbiTes  of  man 
kind,  the  clailes  in  v\  hich  the  fen.Llance  oi  naiuic 
moll  rciides,  are  called  upcn  to  perioim  this  talk. 
Ir  is  true  that,  as  reaf.ri  is  flow  in  returning  to 
the  mind  from  which  it  has  been  f<>  tardily  baniih- 
ed,  it  will  require  fo;ne  time  in  bring  the  n;en, 
who  now  fill  the  two  extremes  in  ihe  urcu:icJ 
icale  of  r;jnk,  to  a  proper  view  of  their  iic\%  Ua- 
tion  of  citizens.  Minds  thar  have  long  been 
cruflied  under  the  iveiv>ht  of  privilege  arid  prn.'v, 
or  of  mifery  and  diipiiir,  are  ec|i:::ljy  diitarn  rr(  la 
all  rationalideas  of  the  dignity  c-f  man.  But  ev«-n 
theie  clailcs  may  be  bronyht  b.xk  by  de^  r( ::es  to  i)e 
'jieful  members  of  the  Hale  ;  aud  ihe  re  vvi»nld  i<  •. n 
be  no  invJividnal,  but  wonl-d  tind  hi:rfe!t  h;!j;pi;:r 
from  the  change.  Place  government  on  the  vvif- 
dom  of  the  whole  .people,  and  they  will  always 
have  wifdom  enough  tocondu<3  it. 

Second,  under  this  natural  organization  of  the 
flate,  ihould  there  remain  a  final i  number  of  im 
provident  men,  unable  to  perform  the  duties  of 
adive  citizens,  there  would  be  many  rcafons  for 
excuting  them  from  any  part  of  ihe  public  bur 
then.  It  is  probable  that  very  lew  iniranres 
would  be  found,  where  the  inability  did  not  arife 
from  mental  or  bodily  detects  ;  in  which  cale, 
their  claim  on  fociety  for  fupport,  would  take 
place  of  any  claim  that  fociety  could  have  upon 
them  for  the  payment  of  a  tax.  In  addition  to 
thefe,  we  may  fuppofe  a  lew  others,  who,  from 


PRIVILEGED  ORDERS.  133 

accidental  lofTes,  or  other  misfortunes  to  which 
feparate  property  is  liable,  might  be  unable  to  an- 
fwer-the  demand  of  the  collector  ;  thefe  the  gov 
ernment  would  naturally  excufe.  If,  after  thefc, 
there  (hotihi  remain  another  clafs,  who,  wantonly 
jegardlefs  o**  their  own  happinefs  and  of  their  fo- 
jcial  duties,  fhoulcl  be  found  without  the  means  of 
.payment,  (Which  is  a  fuppofition  I  admit  only  for 
the  fake  of  argument)  the  tefis  to  the  (late  would 
.be  very  triiiing  in  omitting  to  collect  from  them. 
It  would  bear  no  companion  to  the  infinite  mif- 
chiefs  that  proceed  from  the  fyftem  of  difguife. 

As  to  the  ether  point  of  objection,,  arifing  from 
the  unreafonable  feHi/bnefs  of  fome  forts  of  people, 
which  makes  it  difficult  10  come  at  their  money  by 
any  direct  application  to  their  perfon^  it  defer vcs 
a  farther  consideration.  But  to  give  it  a  full  dif- 
cuffion  would  lead  to  a  new  range  of  fpeculation 
jnto  human  nature,  extending  to  a  length  which 
I  fear  would  be  difproportionate  to  the  limits  af 
fined  to  this  chapter.  J  cannot  be  fatisfied  with 
Jthe  common  opinions  we  have  entertained  in  re 
gard  to  the  effect  that  property  would  naturally 
-have  upon  the  human  mind.  I  fay  naturally  not 
in  contradiction  to  the  foetal  (late,  but  in  contra 
diction  to  the  unnatural  Rate,  in  which  govern 
ment,  founded  an  con  quell  or  accident,,  has  hither 
to  placed  mankind.  A  natural  Rate x)f  fociefy,  or 
a  nation  organized  as  human  renfon  would  dictate, 
for  .the  purpofe  of  fupplying  the  greateft  quantity 
iof  our  phyfical  wants,  with  the  correfponding 
jrnprovement  of  our  moral  faculties,  has  never  yet 
b^en  thoroughly  tried.  It  muft  be  confefTed 
therefore  that  the  opinions  we  h^ve  formed  of  the 
human  heart  (land  a  chance  of  being  eroneous  ;  as 
jhey  have  been  formed  under  the  difguife  of  im- 
M 


134  ADVICE    TO    THE 

preilions  which  do^not  belong  to  its  nature,  The 
picture  of  man  could  not  have  been  fairly  drawn 
while  he  fat  with  a  veil  upon  his  face.  Thefe 
facts  being  premifcd,  if  we  wifh  to  come  at  his 
genuine  character,  the  hiftory  of  his  actions  mud 
be  received  with  particular  caution  ;  as  but  little 
reliance  can  be  had  upon  their  teftimoney.  The 
labyrinths  of  error  in  which  he  has  been  forced  to 
wander,  the  delufive  tapers  with  which  he  has 
been  conducted,  and  the  load  of  abufes  under 
which  he  has  had  to  ftrwggle,  muft  have  dimmed 
his  under  (landing  and  debafed  his  moral  powers, 
to  a  degree  that  cannot  yet  be  accurately  known. 
He  rifes  into  light,  aftonifhed  at  what  he  is, 
afhamed  at  what  he  has  been,  and  unable  to  con 
jecture  at  what  he  may  arrive. 

Some  general  traits,  however,  may  be  difcov- 
ered  in  his  character,  and  recognized  as  the  genu 
ine  (lamp  of  nature.     Among  thefe   may  be  rec 
koned  a  certain  defire  in  every  individual  of  obtain 
ing   the  good    opinion  of  his  fellow-creatures. — 
Some  degree  of  diftinction,  at  leaf!  fo  far  as  to  ac 
quire   an  individuality    of    character  among  his 
equals,    and  merit  their  refpedt  and  confidence,  is 
doubtlefs   natural   to  man  ;   and  whatever,    in   a 
true  fenfe,  is  natural,  is,  in  the  fame  fenfe,  laud 
able.     A  man,  without  the  artificial  aid  that  foci- 
ety  gives  him,  has  but  two  refources  on  which  he 
can   rely   for  obtaining  this  refpedt  ;  thefe  are  his 
phyftcal  and  his  moral  powers.     By  the  cultivation 
of  one  or  both  of  thefe,  he  renders  himfelf  ufeful, 
and  merits  the  diltinction  that  he  wifhes.     Proper 
ty,  which  is  called,  perhaps  with  fufficient  accura 
cy,  the  creature,  of  fociety,  is  fecured  to  individuals, 
only   for  their   private  benefit ;  or  at  mod  as  a 
pledge  of  their  attachment  to  the  community,  by 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS". 


which  it  is  guaranteed.  It  is  not  expefted,  on 
the  true  principles  of  fociety,  that  an  individual 
fliould  difpofeof  any  part  of  his  own  property  to 
the  benefit  of  the  public.  So  much  of  it  as  the 
public  requires  in  contributions,  is  demanded  as  a 
right  ;  it  belongs  to  the  ftateby  the  nature  of  the 
locial  contract,  in  return  for  the  guarantee  of  the 
red.  It  cannot  be  intended  therefore  that  this 
mould  be  the  way  in  which  a  man  flionld  ufe  his 
property,  to  procure  to  himfelf  refped  ;  neither 
is  it  fo  in  faft.  The  reliance  he  has  upon  it,  for 
the  purpofe  of  refpecl,  is  founded  on  a  differ 
ent  principle.  Except  fuch  propoiiion  as  isne- 
cefory  in  fupplying  his  perfonai  wants,  the  pof~ 
feflbr  makes  ufe  of  his  property  as  a  fign,  or  as  3 
fubftitute,  for  perfonai  merit.  Indeed  fo  far  as 
his  property  is  the  fruit  of  his  own  exertions,  it 
is  not  an  unnatural  indication  of  abilities;  and 
even  where  it  has  defcended  to  him  from  his  an- 
-eeftors,  it  is  not  a  more  unreafonable  ground  of 
pretenfion,  than  hereditary  titles  of  any  other  de- 
icription. 

^  On  this  principle,  it  is  eafy  to  trace  the  begin 
nings  of  a  deviation  from  a  rational  eftimat'e  of 
things,  m  our  attachment  to  property.  A  gov 
ernment  which  had  been  founded  in  violence,  and 
was  to  be  carried  on  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  a 
final!  proportion  of  the  community,  muft  have 
been  under  the  ncccflity,  at  all  time,-,  of  fupport- 
mg  itfelf  by  impofition.  This  circumftance  goes 
at  once  to  the  difcouragement  and  the  difufe  of  the 
moral  powers  tf  individuals  ;  as  they  muft  ceafe  to 
be  cultivated,  'the  moment  they  ceafe  to  be  ref- 
pefted.  As  the  nation,  at  the  fame  time,  grew 
more  numerous,  and  the  fuccefs  of  war  and  other 
£reat  operations  were  found  to  depend  lefs  on 


136    '  ADVICE    TO    THE 

ly  firength,  this  too  began  to  lofe  its  eftirriatioty 
and  could  no  longer  be  relied  on,  as  a  title  to  ref- 
pe£l.  A  natural  fefource  therefore,  by  which  to 
efcape  from,  thefe  unnatural  reftri£tions,  \vas 
found  in  a  veneration  for  external  and  fallacious 
figns  of  merit,  appropriated  to  individuals.  This 
was  the  origin  of  all  hereditary  titles  of  honour  ; 
and  it  mutt  likewife  have  been  the  origin,  at  leaft 
in  a  great  meafure$  of  our  exceffive  attachment  to 
property. 

There  is  another  point  of  View  in  which  this 
theory  may  be  placed,  that  will  fho'w  it  to  be  (iill 
more  probable.  In  the  fame  proportion  as  this 
veneration  for  property  offered  a  rcfource  ^in 
dividuals,  on  their  giving:  up  the  natural  right  of 
cultivating  their  perfonal  talents,  it  alfo  became  a 
neceffary  engine  in  the  hands  of  the  government. 
It  is  eafy  to  perceive,  that,  in  a  fyftem  where  ev- 
every  thing  depends  on  hereditary  rank,  the  per- 
fon  placed  at  the  head  ought  always  to  be  entitled 
to  the  great  eft  (hare  of  refpedl.  And  where  fhould 
a  king  feek  for  this,  but  in  exterior  pomp  ?  Nei 
ther  wifdom  nor  ftrength  can  I  e  made  hereditary, 
but  titles  and  property  may.  It  was  abfolutely 
requifite  that  thofe  qualities,  in  which  the  king 
might  be  rivalled  or  furparTecl  by  his  fubje&s, 
fhould  be  brought  into  difrepute  ;  and  that  all 
mankind  fhould  fix  their  admiration  on  thofe  in 
which  he  could  excel.  Governments  of  this  kind 
are  fure  to  be  adminiftered  in  fuch  a  manner,  that 
the  king  fhall  always  be  the  richeft  man  in  the  na 
tion  ;  and  they  generally  go  farther,  and  make 
othet  men  rich  in  proportion  to  their  fervility  to 
him.  It  is  thus  that  the  order  of  nature  is  invert 
ed,  and  names  are  fubftitued  for  things.  The 
finiple  ufes  of  property  are  converted  into  the  fplcn- 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS, 


did  magnificence  of  wealth.  This  becomes  the 
great  and  alrnoft  univerfal  object  of  human  ambi 
tion  ;  it  excites  the  gaze  and  veneration  of  all 
clalTes  of  men.  Individuals  are  really  rot  to  be 
blamed,  nor  their  judgment  to  be  called  in  quef- 
tion,  for  this  manner  of  eftimating  things.  Exte 
rior  pomp  is,  in  fact,  more  ufeful  to  them,  than 
perfonal  qualifications.  It  indeed  often  takes  place 
of  all  the  folid  enjoyments  of  life  ;  and  it  never 
can  be  ftrange  that  it  fhould  do  fo,  ao  lonq  as  it 
procures  that  refpect,  the  defire  of  which  is 
doubtlefs  among  the  ftrongcft  paffions  of  our  na 
ture.  We  never  hear  of  a  man  committing  fili 
cide  for  the  want  of  bread,  but  it  is  often  done  for 
the  want  of  a  coach. 

Such  is  the  paflion,  and  fuch,  I  believe,  is  the 
origin  of  the  inordinate  pailion  for  property,  in  the 
prefent  ftate  of  manners.  The  greater  part  of 
rational  men  agree  that  thefe  things  are  wrong  ; 
they  agree  that  the  general  tafte  and  fentiments  of 
mankind,  on  thjs  fubject,  are  eroneous  ;  and 
they  vvifh  they  could  be  changed.  The  only  point 
in  which  I  differ  from  thefe  men  in  opinion  is, 
that  I  have  no  doubt  but  thefe  things  will  be  chan 
ged.  I  think  we  difcern  the  radical  caufe  of  the 
evil  ;  I  think  that  caufe  will  foon  be  removed  ; 
and  the  remedy  will  inevitably  follow  ;  becaufe  it 
is  nothing  more  than  a  fimple  operation  of  nature, 
recovering  herfelf  from  reftraint.  I  am  not 
preaching  a  moral  lecture  on  the  ufe  of  riches,  or 
the  duty  of  charity  \  I  am  endeavouring  to  point 
out  the  means  by  which  the  neceility  for  fnch  lec 
tures  may  be  fuperceded.  A  duty  that  runs  con 
trary  to  habit,  is  hard  to  be  enforced,  either  by 
perfuafion  or  by  law.  Rectify  our  habits,  and 
eur  duties  will  rarely  be  omitted. 
M  2 


138  ADVICE    TO    THE 

Good  men  in  all  civilized  nations,  have  taken 
unwearied  pains,  and  given  themfelves  real  grief 
of  heart,  in  cenfuring  the  vices  and  recommend 
ing  the  duties  of  mankind,  relative  to  the  life  and 
abufe  of  property.  Their  labours  have  douhtlefs 
done  fome  good  ;  for  we  may  readily  conceive 
that  the  quantity  of  mifcry  in  the  world  is  not  fo 
great  as  it  might  have  been  without  them.  But 
thefe  men  have  not  penetrated  to  the  root  of  the 
evil  ;  or  rather,  they  have  overlooked  it  ;  and  the 
remedies  they  have  propofed  have  always  been 
partial,  unpromifing,  and  without  fuccefs.  They 
lay  the  blame  to  the  natural  propenfities  of  the 
human  heart,  and  call  upon  individuals  for  refor 
mation.  Whereas,  the  fault  lies  not  fo  deep,  nor 
is  the  cure  to  be  looked  from  individuals,  even  with 
refpecl  to  themfelves.  Habit  is  the  ape  of  na 
ture  ;  it  aflumes  her  appearance,  and  palms  its 
vices  upon  her.  And  as  the  univerfal  habit  with 
refpeft  to  the  fubject  now  in  queftion  has  arifen 
out  of  unnatural  and  degrading  fyftems  of  govern 
ment,  a  reformation  can  be  expected,  only  from 
referring  back  to  nature  for  a  change  of  thofe  fyf 
tems  ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  but  this  remedy  wil| 
be  effectual. 

Eftablifh  government  univerfal!)  on  the  individ 
ual  willies  and  collected  wifdom  of  the  people,  and 
it  will  give  a  fpring  to  the  moral  faculties  of  every 
human  creature  ;  becaufe  every  human  creature 
muft  find  an  intereft  m  its  welfare.  It  muft  af 
ford  an  ample  fubject  far  cc  memplation  and  exer 
tion  ;  which  cannot  fail  to  give  a  perpetual  im 
provement  to  the  mind,  and  elevate  the  man  to  a 
more  exalted  view  of  himfelf,  as  an  active  mem 
ber  of  that  focial  (rate,  where  virtue  has  a  fcope 
for  expanfion,  and  merit  is  fure  to  be  rewarded. 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  139 

Being  thus  reftored  to  nature,  every  thing  is  eafy 
and  progreffive  ;  the  individual  looks  to  himfelf 
for  his  title  to  refpect,  the  moment  he  becomes 
habituated  to  believe  and  know  that  this  is  the  only 
title  that  will  anfwer  his  purpofe.  The  idea  of 
relying  on  the  glare  of  exterior  pomp,  whether  it 
be  of  wealth  or  hereditary  rank,  mud  be  regarded 
as  what  it  really  is  in  fact,  the  effort  of  a  weak 
mind  to  cover  its  own  weaknefs.  Such  efforts 
being  refented  by  the  people,  as  attempts  to  im- 
pofe  upon  their  underftanding,  they  mull  fall  in 
to  difrepute  and  be  laid  afide.  They  cannot  be 
ufcful,  they  cannot  be  kept  in  countenance,  in  a 
fociety  founded  on  the  bafis  of  human  reafon. 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  to  what  an  extent  this 
circumftance  would  operate  on  the  character  of  the 
human  mind,  with  refpect  to  its  attachment  to 
property.  If  the  prefent  fyftems  of  government 
are  unnatural,  I  am  convinced  that  this  part  of  the 
human  character  is  unnatural  ;  and  a  change  in  the 
former  muft  produce  a  change  in  the  latter.  One 
of  theufesof  property,  that  of  procuring  rcfpe& 
would  be  entirely  cut  off.  And  it  muft  be  confi- 
dered  that  this  is  the  ufe  that  has  generally  had  the 
mod  powerful  effect  upon  the  mind  ;  becaufe  it  is 
immoderate  and  unbounded.  It  is  well  known 
thdt  rivals  in  the  difplay  of  wealth  are  among  the 
moft  jealous  rivals  in  the  world  ;  and  that  there  is 
ufually  no  limit  to  the  defires  of  a  man  on  this  fub- 
ject,  when  they  once  pafs  the  limit  of  his  real  or 
expected  wants. 

One  fimple  fact,  wiih  refpedt  to  the  French  na 
tion,  is  almoft  fufficient  of  itfelf  to  fupport  the 
opinion  I  here  advance.  But  I  thought  it  nece£- 
fary,  before  adducing  that  fact,  to  recur  to  theo 
retical  principles  ,  in,  order  to  flicw  that  both  the 


ADVICE    TO    THE 

fadl  and  the  opinion  are  founded  in  nature,  and 
therefore  may  be  trufted,  fo  far.  as  they  go,  as  the 
foundation  of  a  practical  fyftem.  It  is  well  known 
that  the  national  character  of  that  people  within 
four  years  has  undergone  almoil  a  total  change, 
with  regard  to  the  eftimation  of  exterior  marks  of 
diftindion,  of  evfery  kind.  What  is  called  rank, 
arifing  from  hereditary  titles,  had  formerly  as 
great  an  influence  in  the  country,  as  at  court  ;  it 
was  held  as  facred  in  the  moil  fequeftered  walks  of 
life,  where  aclions  obey  the  impulfes  of  the  heart, 
as  in  the  moll:  brilliant  af  forcibly,  where  they  are 
regulated  by  a  Mailer  of  Ceremonies.  It  is  im- 
poiiible  for  wealth  itfelf  in  any  nation  to  be  more 
refpcded  than  titles  were  in  France  among  all 
clafles  and  defciiptions  of  people.  Their  venera 
tion  for  king  was  proverbial  through  the  world  ; 
and  this  was  only  a  fample  of  their  univerfal  ref- 
pe£l  for  every  thing  that  bore  the  name  of  heredi 
tary  tokens  of  rank.  Their  adoration  of  thefe 
dirtinftions  could  fcarcely  be  confidered  as  the  effe& 
of  habit  ;  it  had  fo  fur  wound  itfeif  into  the  na 
tive  character  and  foul  of  a  Frenchman,  that  it 
could  not  be  cliftinguifhed  from  an  element  of  his 
nature.  But  the  change  of  government,  like  a 
chymical  analyfis,  has  feparated  the  drofs  of  habit 
from  the  gold  of  nature  ;  it  has  melted  off  the 
courtier  and  ihewed  us  the  msn. 

This  is  not  all.  The  brltli&nce  of  wealth  has 
likewife  in  that  country  loft  iis  former  value  j  it 
being  no  longer  confidered,  either  by  the  proprie 
tors  or  by  others,  as  capable  of  commanding  ref- 
peel:;  I  know  it  will  be  laid,  in  anfwer  to  this, 
That  it  is  owing  to  a  temporary  circumftance  ; 
that  the  great  body  of  the  people,  who  have  taken 
the  government  into  their  own  hands,  are  envious 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  I4t 

towards  the  rich,  and  are  aiming  to  reduce  all  men 
to  a  level  in  regard  to  property.  The  plained  re 
ply  to  this  affertion  which  has  often  been  repeated 
is,  that  it  is  not  true.  No  people  ever  fhewed  a 
more  facred  regard  to  private  property  than  the 
French  have  uniformly  done,  duririg  the  whole 
revolution.  And,  as  if  to  put  cah>mriy  to  the 
blufh,  and  baffle  all  theories  of  fophiflry  againft  a 
popular  recbmotion  of  rights,  this  regard  to  pri 
vate  property  has  been  in  proportion  to  the  irregu^ 
Jarity  of  their  movements,  and  the  opportunity 
for  pillage.  It  is  to  be  wifhed  that  governments 
themfelvcs  would  learn  a  Icflon  of  honour  from 
thefe  examples  of  anarchy  inftead  of  employing 
Venal  writers  to  abufe  them. 

Jt  cannot  be  denied,  that  in  all  other  parts  of 
Europe  there  are  two  'diftinft  purpofes  to  which 
property  is  applied — a  refource  againft  physical 
wants,  and  a  refource  for  perfonal  refpe6t  It 
cannot  be  denied,  that  in  France  it  has  already 
Ceafed,  in  a  great  meafure,  to  anfwer  the  laft  or 
thefe  purpofes,  The  caufe  of  this  is  perfectly  na 
tural,  and  I  have  ho/Joubt  that  it  mud  be  perma 
nent.  The  fame  effcSt  will  be  produced  in  other 
Countries,  by  placing  the  government  on  the  folid 
bads  of  reafon,  in/lead  of  propping  it  up  on  the 
tottering  foot-ftool  of  impofition. 

I  am  aware  that  my  argument  is  ftill  expofed  td 
one  objection,  from  thofe  readers  who  are  ac 
quainted  with  the  prefent  ftate  of  fociety  in  Ameri 
ca.  It  will  be  faid,  that  the  people  of  the  United 
States  manifefl  a  great  attatchmerit  to  property, 
Con  fide  red  as  tuealth,  and  merely  for  the  purpofe 
of  parade;  that,  though  their  government  is 
American,  their  manners  are  European.  To  this 
I  reply,  in  the  firil  place,  that  the  el  a  ge  is  true 


ADVICE    TO    THE 

only  in  a  limited  fenfe.  The  influence  of  riches 
in  that  country,  even  on  the  minds  of  thofe  who 
pofiefs  them,  is  by  no  means  fo  great  as  it  is  in 
Europe.  But  this  anfwer  will  not  be  completely 
fatisfa&ory  to  the  objector,  neither  is  it  fo  to  me. 
We  muft  acknowledge  the  fa6l  to  exift,  at  lead  in 
a  confiderable  degree,  and  endeavour  to  fearch  out 
the  caufe.  The  people  of  that  country  have  been 
always  accuftomed  to  borrow  their  maxims,  as 
well  as  their  manners,  from  the  various  nations  of 
Europe,  from  which  they  emigrated  ;  in  the  tra 
ding  towns,  many  of  the  prefent  inhabitants  are 
really  Europeans,  having  been  in  the  country  but 
a  fhort  time  ;  and  emigration  is  perpetually  fup- 
plying  all  parts  of  the  States  with  new  adventures  ; 
fafhions,  and  atafte  for  expenfive  modes  of  living, 
are  imported  with  other  merchandife.  In  the  ar 
ticle  of  public  falaries,  the  governments  them- 
felves  h-ive  been  too  much  guided  by  European 
ideas  ;  which  fuppofe  it  neceifary  that  public  offi 
cers  mould  envelope  themfelves  in  pomp  and 
fplendor,  in  order  to  infpire  a  veneration  for  the 
laws.  For  though  falaries  in  general  were  fixed 
at  the  revolution  on  a  fcale  fo  low  as  to  bear  little 
proportion  to  what  was  common  in  Europe,  and 
though  in  fome  inftances  they  have  been  fince  re 
duced,  yet  they  are  ftill  fo  high  as  to  bear  little 
proportion  to  what  they  ought  to  be.  Thefe  tilings 
have  a  great  effeft  on  the  general  maxims  of  life 
in  that  country.  But  thefe  things  can  never  apply 
to  Europe  :  and,  on  a  change  of  government  and 
manners  in  the  old  world,  they  will  ceafe  to  apply 
to  the  new. 

The  Americans  cannot  be  faid  as  yet  to  have 
formed  a  national  chara&er.  The  political  part 
of  their  revolution,  afide  from  the  military,  was 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS,  14* 

flot  of  that  violent  and  convulfive  nature  that 
fhakes  the  whole  fabric  of  human  opinions,  and 
enables  men  to  decide  which  are  to  be  regained  as 
congenial  to  their  (ituation,  and  which  fhould  be 
rejecled  as  the  offspring  of  unnatural  connexions. 
Happily,  the  weight  of  oppreffion  there  had  ne 
ver  been  fo  great,  nor  of  fo  long  a  duration,  as 
to  have  diftorted  in  any  extravagant  degree  the  mo 
ral  features  of  man.  He  recognized  himfelf  as 
the  fame  being,  under  the  new  fyftem  as  the  old  ; 
for  the  change  of  form  had  not  been  fo  perceptible 
as  to  require  a  great  change  of  principle.  Under 
thefe  circumftawces,  the  people  continued  mod  of 
their  ancient  maxims,  though  they  were  a  mixture 
of  foreign  and  domeftic  ;  and,  as  habit  is  a  coin 
current  in  all  countries,  it  is,  not  furprifmg  that 
whatever  had  received  the  (lamp  of  authority  in 
polifhed  nations  of  Europe,  fhould  be  adopted 
without  fcruple  by  the  offspring  of  thofe  nations 
i»  America. 

The  circumftance  of  their  not  being  inverted 
with  what  is  called  national  character,  though  hi 
therto  a  fubjeft  of  regret,  will  in  future  be  much 
in  their  favour.  The  public  mind  being  open  to 
receive  impreflions  from  abroad,  they  will  be  able 
to  profit  by  the  practical  leflons  which  will  now  be 
afforded  them  from  the  change  of  fyftem  in  this 
quaner  of  the  world.  It  will  be  found  there,  as 
it  is  now  found  in  France,  that  the  difplay  ef 
wealth  will  ceafe  to  be  challenged  as  an  emblem 
or  fubftitute  for  perfonal  talents  ;  and  it  will  be 
coveted  every  where,  in  a  lefs  degree  than  at  prc- 
fent  ;  as  it  will  fail  to  gratify  the  paffion  for  ref- 
pec}.  It  may  be  farther  remarked,  that  this  is 
not  the  only  circumftance  in  which  the  ftate  of 
fociety  in  America  will  be  efTentially  benefited  by 
a  change  of  manners  in  Europe. 


144  ADVICE    TO    THE 

But  it  muft  be  confefled,  after  all,  that  this  is 
a  theory  to  which  it  is  hard  to  gain  profelytes  ; 
efpecialiy  among  that  clafs  of  men,  whofe  know 
ledge  of  the  world  has  taught  them  a  caution 
which  fhuns  the  allurements  of  audacious  fpeculati- 
on.  And,  fmce  it  rriuft  be  referred  lo  experience, 
to  that  I  truft  the  argument.  I  profefs  nothing 
more  in  this  work,  than  to  contemplate  the  effects 
that  a  general  revolution  will  produce  on  the  affairs 
of  nation?.  But  in  contemplating  theft1,  it  is  ef- 
fential  that  we  fhould  be  apprifed  of  the  corref- 
ponding  change  that  will  neceflarily  be  wrought 
on  the  character  of  man  ;  in  order  that,  being 
prepared  for  the  event,  he  may  think  of  inch  ar 
rangements  as  fhall  be  likely  to  prevent  hisrelapf- 
ingj  info  the  errors  which  have  cod  him  fo  much 
inifcry. 

A  chapter  which  treats  on  the  fyfttm  of  abufes 
fo  generally  adopted  in  raiftng  a  revenue,  csri 
fcarcely  be  clofed  with  fatisfadlicn  to  the  reader* 
without  fome  inflections  on  the  correfpor.ding 
abufes  which  are  ioi  nd  in  the  apptifation*  I  (hall 
fay  nothing  of  high  falaries,  civil  Jili,  peace  efla- 
Wilhment,  and  the  other  enormities  on  which  pri 
vileged  orders  and  ftnfclefs  places  depend.  Thefe 
will  fo  foon  fall,  with  the  wretched  plans  of  go 
vernment  they  fupport,  that  it  really  feems  like  an 
ungenerous  triumph,  to  wifh  to  haften  their  fate. 
When  the  bufinefs  of  government  fliall  be  con 
ducted,  like  other  bufinefs,  on  the  principles  of 
Common  fenfe,  it  will  be  paid  for,  like  other  bu 
finefs,  in  proportion  to  the  fervice  performed. 
And  unlefs  this  proportion  be  ftrictly  obferved  in 
the  payment,  thefe  principles  will  not  long  be 
obferved  in  the  fervice.  Btu  our  obfervations  in 
thjs  place,  on  the  application  of  revenue,  will 


PRIVILEGED   ORDERS.  145 


chiefly  be  confined  to  the  fubject  of  Public  Debts. 
This  fubject  becomes  more  important  at  this  time, 
not  merely  on  account  of  the  prefent  magnitude 
of  thofe  debts  in  mod  of  the  ftates  of  Europe, 
but  as  relative  to  the  principle  on  which  they  are 
contracted  and  fupported.  Should  this  principle 
be  found  to  be  dangerous  tojiberty,  and  fuitable 
only  to  a  vicious  form  of  government,  it  will  fur- 
nifh  matter  of  deep  reflection  to  a  nation  that 
\vifhes  to  eftablinh  Its  affairs  on  the  bads  of  reafou 
and  nature. 

Here  we  mud:  take  a  review  of  that  mode   of 
anticipation,  which   is  common    to  moft    of  the 
modern  governments  of  Europe,  and  known   by 
the  name  of  \\\t  funding  fyftcm.  This  invention  (for 
fo    the  art   of    funding    is  fometimes   called)    has 
•received    from  the  hands    of    different  writers,  a 
confHerable  degree  of  cenfure,  as    well  as    much 
unqualified  and  injudicious  praife.      Indeed,  when 
confidered  with  reference  to  its  wide  fvveep  of  at 
tending   circumftances,    it    prefents  itfelf'to  the 
mind  under  a  variety   of  afpe&s,  and  forms  alto 
gether  a  (hipendous  obje£l  of  meditation  ;  having 
produced  effe&s  that  have  far  furpafled  the  limits 
of  previous  calculation  or  btiief.      In  politics  and 
war,   it   has   changed  the  face  of  Europe.     With 
regard  to  other   concerns,    both  of    nations   and 
individuals,  its  effecis   have  been  various,  contra- 
di&ory,  del u five,  and   incapable  of  accurate  efti- 
niation.      It  has  aftonifhingly  multiplied  the  force 
and  adivity  of  trade  ;  but   it  has   increafed  in  an 
equal  degree  the  quantity  of  ufelefs  and    deftruc- 
tive  fpecuiation.     It  has  converted  commerce  into 
a  weapon  of  war ;  and   it  has  made  of  that  tre 
mendous  calamity  an  alluring  in  ft  rumen  t  of  com 
merce.     It  has  brought  thefc  two  occupations,  fo 
N 


146  ADVICE    TO    THE 

extremely  oppofite  in  their  nature,  to  a  cordial 
coalition  and  mutual  fupport  j  and  thus  by  the  aid 
ot  both,  it  facilitates  every  project  of  ambition  in 
the  government  ;  till  it  fan  iliarifes  the  public 
mind  to  a  ferious  acqniefcence  in  a  paradox,  which 
mull  have  excited  the  ridicule  ot  any  age  accuf- 
tomed  only  to  common  calculation,  That  the  more 
a  nation  is  debilitated  and  exhaufted,  the  more 
fplendid  and  powerful  it  grows.  Indeed  the  fyftem 
is  replete  with  lo  much  apparent  good,  attended 
with  its  folid  weight  of  e\ils,  that  we  may  be 
thought  to  incur  the  guilt  of  partiality  or  inatten 
tion,  ihould  we  fail  to  qualify  our  cenfure  with 
fome  degree  of  approbation. 

But  the  queftion,  Whether  the  fyftem  of  fund 
ing  ought  to  be  admitted  in  all  its  latitude,  can  be 
decided  only  by  ftriking  the  balance  cf  good  and 
evil  in  the  cfYe&s  that  it  mud  frr»m  its  nature  ^re 
duce.  And  I  think,  on  confidering  the  fubjedl:  as 
relative  to  a  free  republic,  the  balance  will  be 
found  much  more  on  the  fide  of  the  evil,  than  it  is 
when  applied  to  the  old  plans  of  government. 

The  benefits,  to  be  derived  from  the  fyftem, 
are  of  two  kinds  ; — commercial,  as  it  facilitates  the 
bufinefsof  individuals,  and  political^  as  it  aids  the 
government  in  the  great  operations  of  war.  It  is 
well  known,  or  it  is  univerfally  believed,  that  the 
public  debt  in  Enpland,  being  funded  on  the  bails 
of  mortgaging  the  national  revenue  for  its  intereft, 
has  created  a  prodigious  mafs  of  capital  in  the  hands 
of  trade.  By  furniihing  men  with  a  kind  of  ftock, 
which  they  are  fure  of  turning  into  money  at  any 
moment  they  choofe,  it  enables  them  to  vary  their 
operations  with  fuch  facility,  as  to  feize  many  ad 
vantages  in  dome  (tic  and  foreign  markets,  which 
rnuft  otherwife  pafs  without  efted.  It  is  in  a  great 


PRIVILEGED  ORDERS,  147 

nieafure  to  this  circumftance,  that  many  perfons 
fperhaps  without  a  due  confutation  of  caufes) 
pave  attributed  the  flourifhing  ftate  of  commerce 
in  this  kingdom.  Indeed,  fince  it  is  found  that 
commerce  has  increafed  with  the  augmentation  of 
taxes,  the  argument  in  favour  of  unlimited  fund 
ing  has  hecome  fo  feducing,  that  the  paradox  has 
arifen  almoft  to  a  folecifm  ;  it  is  faid  that  public 
infolvency  is  public  wealth,  and  the  national  debt 
is  melt  a  nation!  benefit. 

The  advantages  of  a  political  nature,  which  are 

anuri^r°^  th,e  Princii'le  °F  funding,  confift   in 
eltabhihing  fuch  an  unqueftionable  credit,  that  the 
government  can  at  all   times  borrow,  without  the 
means  or   the  intention,  or  even  the    promifeof 
payment.     This  credit  anfwers  all  the  purpofe  of 
an    inexhauftible  treafury,  on  which   the  govern 
mem   may   draw   at    any    moment,    and    to  any 
amount.      It  is  eafy  to  conceive  the  immenfe  faci 
lity  thus  given  to  the  meafures  of  adminiftration 
It  enables  them  to  begin,  on   the  fhorteft   notice 
and  with  the  greateft  fecrecy,  the  moft  cxpenfive 
operations,  and  then  to  purfue  them  to  any  extent  - 
and  this  without  confulung  the  wiihcs  of  the  na' 
tion.  ^   It  precludes  the   nuceflity  of  accumulating 
a  national  treafure  by  previous  taxation  and  ceco- 
nomy  ;  a  meafure  which  muft  always  be  attended 
with  the  difadvantage  of  lofm^  the  ufe  of  the  mo 
ney,   from  the   time  it  is    hoarded,   until  it  is  ex- 
pendecl.     It  hkewife  avoids  the  neceffity  of  another 
operation    no  lefs  to  be  drea-led  by  officers  of  go 
vernment  m  general  ;   I  mean  a  fudden  auamenta- 
tion  of  taxes,  by  which  the  people  mould  be  called 
upon  to  fupport  the  expences  of  the  year,  within 
'   ySfV     A  meafure   which,    if  not  f(^metimcs 
iinpoifible,  would  often  be  hazardous  to  the  repu- 


14*  ADVICE    TO    THE 

ration  of  minifters,  and  to  the  fucce&of  extraor 
dinary  enterprifes. 

Such  is  the  general  fummary  of  the  advantages 
derived  from  the  Funding  Syftem  ;  and  this  opens 
to  our  view  the  train  of  evils  with  which  they  are 
contrafled.     Thefe  1  fear  will  be  too  numerous  to 
be  particularly  noticed,  and  too  great  to  be  readily 
conceived.     In  the  hands  of  an  adrniniftration,   I 
will  not  fay  corrupt,  but  an   ad  mi  nil!  rat  ion  whofc 
intereil  is  in  any  meafure  different    from  that  of 
the  nation  at  large,  this  fyftem  is  the  moft  danger 
ous  inftrument  that  can  be  imagined  :  as    it  is  an 
inftrument  of  incalculable  force,    and  may  be  al 
ways  wielded  without  oppofition.     This  from  the 
nature  of  the  fubjecl  muft  be  the  cafe  ;  becauie  the 
expences  of  any  projected  enterprife  being  charged 
on  pofterity,  the  party  mod  interefted  in   making 
the   oppofition,  is    not   in   being  at  the  time,  and 
cannot    be  heard  in  its  rcmonit ranee.     Thus,  in 
the  bufinefs  of  war,  which  is  the  principal  object 
in   the  funding    fyftem,  it  enables  governments  to 
hire  men  to  daughter  each  other  with  more  than 
their  own  fvvords.     They  wring  out   of  the  hard 
earnings  of  future   generations  the  means   of  de- 
flroying  the   pr^fent.     Here  is  a  double   violence 
which  the  generation,  thai  goes  to  war  by  the  aid 
of  funding,  commits  on  the  age  that  is  to  follow. 
It  precludes   the  exigence  of  one  part  of  focicty, 
by  deftroying  thofe  v/ho   Ihould   have   been    their 
progenitors  ;  and  it  charges  the   portion  of  pofle- 
jity,  that  efcapes  into  exigence,  with  the  expen 
ces  of  killing  the  fellows  of  their  anctftors.     And 
ihefe   expences   they     rnuft  pay     under   the  cruel 
difadvaniagcs  of  being  deprived  of  half  their  na 
tural   refouices,  by  a  dirninuu-jn  of  their  natural 
numbers, 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS,  149 

As  military  operations  are  now  condu.&ed,  every 
•man  killed  or  deftroyed  in  war,  cofts  to  the  nation 
upwards  of  a  thotifand  pounds  fterling.  This  cal 
culation  is  taken  from  a  view  of  the  laft  war  in 
which  England  was  engaged.  The  nation  ex 
pended  in  that  war,  asftated  by  Sir  John  Sinclair,* 
fomething  more  than  139  millions.  No  financier 
has  calculated  with  any  accuracy  the  number  of 
lives  that  it  co'ft  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  in 
"battles,  hofpitals,  and  prifons  \  probably  it  did 
not  exceed  139  thoufand.  So  that  the  people  of 
this  country  are  now  confoling  themfelVes  for  the 
lofs  of  their  friends  and  relations,  by  paying  far 
their  execution  at  the  rate  of  a  thoufand  pounds  a 
head.  Other  jobs  performed  in  fuch  a  wholefule 
manner  are  generally  charged  at  a  cheaper  rate  ; 
but  this  is  more  expenfive  than  the  bufinefs  of  a 
-like  nature,  which  is  done  in  the  formality  of  de 
tail,  at  the  Old  Bailey  and  Newgate. 

It  requires  but  a  flight  obfervation  on  the  cha 
racter  of  the  times  in  different  ages,  to  fhow  th?iV 
the  objecl:  of  war,  and  the  fpiiit  with  which  it  is 
conducted,  have  been  altogether  differed,  xvithin 
the  prefent  century,  from  what  they  «vere  in  more 
remote  periods  of  modern  hiftory.  In  the  mari 
time  nations  of  Europe,  the  object  of  war  hasx 
changed  from  religion  to  commerce  ;  from  a  point 
of  honour  among  kircgs,  to  a  point  of  profit  among 
merchants,  minifters  and  generals.  Thefe  fub- 
je£ts  have  nothing  in  their  nature  fufficiently  ani- 
rnatina  to  roirfe  the  enthufiafm  of  a  whole  nation 
to  fuch  a  degree,  as  to  render  it  fafe  for  the  pro 
jector  of  a  war  to  apply  to  the  people  for  their 
immediate  fupport.  Therefore,  to  find  the  means 

*Hifl.   of  the  Revenue ,  Part  III.  page  95, 
N  i 


150  ADVICE    TO    THE 

of  carrying  it  on,  they  rcfort  to  a  principle  conge* 
nial  to  the  object  of  the  war  ;  and  it  becomes  fup- 

Sorted,  as  it  is  projected,  in  thefpiritof  commercCc 
ut,  as  all  offenfive  wars,  in  every  pofiible  cir- 
cumftance,  can  only  be  maintained  by  deceiving 
the  people,  the  government  in  this  cafe  recurs  to 
a  commercial  deception,  and  induces  them  to  un 
dertake  the  burthen,  on  condition  that  the  weight 
of  it  be  fhifted  off  to  a  future  period.  Such  is 
the  origin  of  funding  ;  and  it  has  evidently  rifen 
out  of  the  neceility  that  governments  were  under, 
of  changing  the  principle  of  deception,  in  order 
to  conform  to  the  fpiritof  the  times. 

As  an  engine  of  ftate,  the  funding  fyftem  has' 
completely  taken  place  of  religious  enthufiafm  ; 
and  mankind  have  been  hurried  on  to  their  own 
definition  by  the  former,  within  the  two  laft 
ages,  with  a.s  little  prudence  and  as  much  dclufion, 
as  they  were  by  the  latter,  in  the  twelfth  century. 
Indeed,  I  fee  no  reafon  why  a  genuine  crufade 
could  not  have  been  undertaken,  even  by  the  go 
vernment  of  Great  Britain  within  the  laft  fifty 
years,  and  carried  on  to  any  extent,  by  the  aid  of 
the  funding  fyfteiru  For  the  principle  of  the  fyf- 
tem  is  fuch  as  to  prevent  men  from  enquiring  into 
the  objedl:  of  the  war  ;  as  every  inducement  to 
fuch  enquiry  is  almoft-  completely  taken  away, 
•with  refpe£l  to  every  clafs  of  fociety.  One  clafs, 
by  the  previous  operation  of  the  fame  fyftem  in 
the  increafe  of  taxes,  are  rendered  fo  wretched  in 
their  domeftic  condition,  that  they  are  glad  to  en 
gage  as  foldiers  in  any  caufr,  for  the  fake  of  ths 
pay,  fo  pitifully  (mall  as  the  pay  of  a  foldier  is  ; 
another  clafs,  and  one  that  has  great  influence  on 
the  public  opinion,  is  compofed  of  generals,  con 
tractors,  mlnifters  and  fecretaries,  with  all  their 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  15! 

dependant?,  who  are  fure  to  make  a  profitable  job 
of  any  war,  however  it  be  conducted,  and  what 
ever  be  its  objecT:  ;  another  clafs  confifts  of  idle 
i peculators  in  the  funds,  whofe  chance  of  gain 
increafes  with  the  j.oftling  of  public  affairs,  and 
efpecially  with  the  augmentation  of  the  debt  ; 
while  the  reft  of  the  community,  who  cannot  be 
rendered  active  by  the  allurements  of  private 
profit,  are  rendered  paffive  by  deferring  the  pay 
ment  of  the  lofs. 

From  the  time  when  the  predatory  fpirit,  which 
led  the  northern  Barbarians  to  ravage  tfce  fouth  of 
Europe,  had  fubfided,  and  given  place  to  its  natu 
ral  offspring,  in  the  eftablifhment  of  feudal  mo 
narchy,  the  hiftory  of  this  quarter  of  the  world 
begins  to  a  flu  me  a  confident  lhape  ;  and  it  offers 
itfc-lf  to  our  contemplation,  as  relative  to  the  fpirit 
of  nations,  under  three  fuccefFive  afpecls.  Thefe 
are  the  fpirit  of  hierarchy,  the  fpirit  of  chivalry, 
and  the  fpirit  of  commerce.  Out  of  thefe  dif 
ferent  materials  the  genius  of  the  government  has 
forged  inftruments  of  oppreflion  almoft  equally 
deffru&ive.  It  has  never  failed  to  cloud  the  minds 
of  the  nation  with  fome  kind  of  fuperftition,  con 
formable  to  the  temper  of  the  times.  In  one  age 
it  is  the  fuperftition  of  religion,  in  another  the 
fuperftition  of  honour,  in  another  the  fuperftition 
of  public  credit. 

The  deplorable  ufe  that  has  been  made  of  the 
laft  of  thefe,  during  the  prefent  century  in  Eng 
land,  and  for  a  much  longer  period  in  fome  other 
governments,  has  induced  many  perfons  to  regret 
that  the  fpirit  of  commerce  has  ever  become  pre 
dominant  over  that  of  chivalry  and  that  of  the 
church.  They  fee  a  contracted  ineannefs  in  the 
oar,  which  ill  compares  with  the  open  enthufiaftn 


152  ADVICE    TO    THE 

of  the  other  two.  But  before  we  find  fault  with 
what  feems  to  be  the  order  of  nature  in  tfeefe 
events,  we  ought  to  confider  the  efFecT>  that  it  has 
and  will  produce,  in  the  progrefs  of  fociety  and 
morals.  Chivalry  and  hierachy  taught  us  to  be 
lieve  that  all  men  who  did  not  pay  homage  to  the 
fame  monarch,  or  ufe  the  fame  mode  of  worfliip 
with  ourfelves,  were  our  natural  enemrcs,  and 
ought  to  be  extirpated.  The  fpiritof  commerce 
has  brought  us  acquainted  with  rhofe  people  ;  we 
fin?!  them  to  be  like  other  men,  and  that  they  are 
really  iifefiil  to  us  in  fupplying  our  wants.  As 
their  exigence  and  their  profperity  are  found  to 
be  advantageous  to  us  in  a  commercial  point  of 
view,  we  ceafe  to  regard  them  as  enemies  ;  and 
refufe  to  go  and  kill  them,  unlefs  we  are  hired  to 
do  it.  But  as  commerce  may  deal  in  human  (laugh 
ter  as  well  as  in  other  things,  when  ever  the  go 
vernment  will  offer  us  more  money  for  deft roy ing 
our  neighbours  than  we  can*  get  by  other  bufinefs, 
we  are  ready  to  make  enemies  of  our  beft  friends, 
and  to  go  to  war,  as  we  go  to  market,  on  a  calcu 
lation  of  profit. 

This  is  the  true  fpirit  of  commerce,  as  relative 
to  war.  But  as  this  fpirit  has  made  us  better  ac 
quainted  with  all  foreign  nations,  and  with  our 
felves,  it  has -excited  a  difpofition  for  enquiry  into 
the  moral  relations  of  men,  with  a  view  to  politi 
cal  happinefs.  The  refuit  of  this  enquiry  is  now 
beginning  tn  appear.  It  has  already  convinced  us 
that  there  can  be  no  pofTible'cafe  in  which  one  na 
tion  can  be  the  natural  enemy  of  another  ;  and 
this  leads  us  to  difcover  the  caufe  why  they  have 
beerijfa9*/fVf/J  enemies.  The  whole  is  found  to  be 
a  fatal  deception  perpetually  impofed  upon  each 
Ration  by  its  own  government,  for  the  private  be- 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  153 

ftcfit  of  its  ad  mini  Orators.  The  fame  fpirit  of 
enquiry  is  now  leading  the  people  to  change  the 
form  of  their  governments,  that  fociety  may  be 
reftored  to  its  proper  foundation,  the  general  hap- 
pinefs  of  the  great  community  of  men. 

On  examining  the  fucceffion  of  principles 
\vhich  mark  the  character  of  the  times  through 
thefe  different  periods,  it  appears  that,  when  the 
fpirit  of  commerce  had  become  predominant,  the 
only  engine  of  itate,  which  could  be  relied  upon  to 
excite  the  people  to  war,  was  the  eftablifhment  of 
a  national  credit  by  funding  the  national  deb*s. 
And  we  fhoukl  not  be  wide  from  the  truth  in  af- 
ferting,  that  to  the  funding  fyftem  alone  the  prin 
cipal  commercial  nations  of  Europe  are  to  attribute 
the  wars  of  the  prefcnt  century,  as  well  as  the 
enormous  debts  under  which  they  have  learned  to 
ftruggle. 

Such  have  been  the  cffe&s  of  funding,  under 
the  old  forms  of  governments  ;  and  having  afcer- 
tained  the  principles  on  which  it  has  operated  in 
producing  thefe  effects,  we  fhall  be  better  able  to 
determine  whether  it  be  adoniflible  in  the  policy  of 
a  free  republic.  In  this  great  crifis  of  human 
affairs,  it  behoves  mankind  to  probe  the  wounds 
of  nature  to  the  bottom,  and  remove  every  cxcre- 
fcence  which  might  prevent  a  perfect  cure. 

Men  of  contemplative  minds,  as  well  as  thofe 
of  pradtical  knowledge,,  have  now  become  fo  ge- 
-nerally  agreed  in  the  neceffity  of  the  funding  fyf 
tem,  that,  though  they  difcern  the  evils  to  which 
it  mud  expofe  a  nation,  I  fear  it  is  one  of  the  lad 
of  their  eitabliihed  maxims  that  they  will  be  wil 
ling  to  fubje£t  to  the  fcverity  of  difcullion.  The 
univerfal  opinion  is  that  a  {late  cannot  exift  with 
out  a  national  credit  ;  unltfs  it  put  itfelf  to  the 


154  ADVICE    TO   THE 

difadvantage  of  hoarding  up  money,  and  keeping 
a  treafure  in  referve.  And  this  latter  meafure, 
befides  the  inconvenience  ab' ve-mentioned,  of 
lofjng  the  ufe  of  the  capital  while  it  lies  inactive, 
would  throw  into  the  hands  of  the  executive  go 
vernment,  the  fame  dangerous  power  which  is 
entrulted  to  them  by  the  means  of  credit.  In  this 
refpecl  their  reafoniug  is  juft  ;  and  perhaps  a  full 
treafury  would  be  the  greateft  evil  of  the  two. 

But  after  all,  what  is  the  advantage  of  a  nation 
al  credit  ?  I  mean  in  the  fenfe  in  which  it  is  gen 
erally  underftood,  the  facility  of  raifing  a  capital 
on  long  annuities,  by  a  mortgage  of  revenue. 
Shall  we  not  find  on  r,n  inveftigation  of  this  very 
fimple  queftion,  that  the  ravantage  derived  from 
fuch  a  credit  (even  fuppofiK"  it  never  to  be  abufed) 
Can  only  be  applicable  to  the  old  fyftems  of  gov 
ernment  ?  Will  it  not  appear  that  it  is  an  advan 
tage  totally  unncceffary  to  a  rational  and  manly 
adminiflration,  conducted  by  the  \vifhes  of  a  free 
and  enlightened  people  ?  I  am  fuppofing,  and  it 
is  but  fair  to  fuppofe,  that  fuch  a  people  will  al 
ways  underftand'their  own  interefL  Or,  at  lea  ft, 
if  they  make  a  miilake,  it  will  be  the  miffoke  of 
the  nation,  not  of  the  minifters  ;  they  will  never 
fuffer  an  enterprife  to  be  undertaken,  but  what 
is  agreeable  to  the  majority  of  the  active  citizens. 
This  people  will  never  engage  in  any  ofl\nrive 
war.  Indeed,  as  foon  as  the  furrounding  nations 
adopt  the  fame  change  of  government,  the  bufinefs 
of  war  will  be  forgotten  ;  but  in  the  interval, 
previous  to  this  event,  a  real  republic  cannot 
/land  in  need  of  funds,  as  a  preparative  for  war, 
unlefs  it  be  invaded.  It  is  even  fafer  without 
funds  ;  becaufe  they  might  be  a  temptation  to  the 
officers  of  government  to  counteract  the  fpirit  of 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  155 

the  republic.  In  cafe  fuch  a  people  be  really  at 
tacked  by  an  enemy,  then  it  is  that  the  force  of 
fociety  may  be  feeti  and  calculated.  But  the  cal 
culation  dues  not  mrn  on  «he  cabinet-rules  of  royal 
arithmetic  ;  the  pov\er  of  the  republic  for  the 
purpofe  of  detence  does  not  depend  on  a  na*  onal 
credit,  in  the  fenfe  above-mentioned,  or  rhe  fa 
cility  of  borrovving  money;  the  government,  in 
making  up  its  eifimate  of  refinance,  never  aiks, 
Bow  many  foidiers  have  \ve  in  pay  r  And  how 
many  recruits  can  we  inlift  or  irnprefs  ? — But  of 
how  many  men  does  the  nation  confift  ?  Armies 
ftart  into  being  by  a  (pc  maneous  impulfe  ;  every 
citizen  feeis  the  caufe  to  be  hi  own,  and  presents 
his  perfon,  or  his  provifion  and  his  arms,  not  as 
an  offering  to  a  tyrannical  mailer,  of  whofe  inter*, 
tions  he  would  be  fufpicious,  but  as  a  defence  rf 
his  own  family  and  prc  perty.  The  enemy  being 
repuifed,  whatever  inequalities  may  be  found  to 
have  arifen  in  this  emulous  contribution,  are  li 
quidated  and  lettled  on  a  general  fcale  ot  juiiice, 

Even  fuppofing  the  war  to  be  ot  long  continu 
ance,  and  to  require  fums  of  money  beyond  the 
voluntary  contribution^,  and  beyond  the  power  of 
prudent  taxation  ior  the  time  ;  (which  indeed,  in 
a  wealthy  and  well-regulated  republic,  would  be 
an  extraordinary  thing,  and  I  beiLve  never  would 
occur)  in  fuch  a  cafe,  the  juitice  of  the  caufe,  and 
the  natural  magnanimity  which  habitual  freedom 
infpjres,  would  be  a  fufficient  guarantee  for  loans, 
at  home  or  abroad.  It  is  true  in  nature,  and  the 
truth  muit  prove  itfelt  beyond  contradiction  to  the 
\vorld,  as  foon  as  it  ihali  have  opportunity  to  judge, 
that  a  great  people  accuftomed  to  exercife  their 
rights,  would  never  violate  their  duties. 


158  ADVICE    TO    THE 

Injuftice  may  be  expeded  from  governments 
founded  in  ufurpation  ;  it  is  their  natural  charac 
ter,  the  tenure  on  which  they  hold  their  authority. 
They  never  can  be  jult,  unlefs  the  deviate  from 
their  principle.  What  is  called  their  penal  juf- 
tlcey  as  well  as  their  pecuniary  jufilce^  is  only  the 
fruit  of  their  fears  ;  and  ought  to  be  regarded  only 
as  an  evidence  of  their  conftitutional  \veakncfs. 
As  every  thing  they  do,  mult  be  d(?ne  by  the  force 
of  money,  it  is  neceflary  that  they  fhould  eftablilh 
a  character  for  mercantile  punctuality,  to  fervc  as 
a  fubftittie  for  the  quality  of  juftice,  which  quality 
the  nature  of  their  exiftence  denies  them.  The 
reverfe  of  this  is  the  <.afe  witV  governments  found 
ed  in  reafon  and  nature,  where  all  the  people  have 
an  aclive  interefl.  Juftice  there  is  the  firft  article 
in  the  focial  compact  ;  and  as  neither  policy  nor 
principle  can  ever  admit  of  a  deviation  from  this, 
the  event  is  not  to  be  expected. 

This  is  the  kind  of  national  credit  that  is  proper 
for  a  free  republic.  It  is  involved  in  the  nature 
of  their  fyftem,  and  fpurns  thofe  extraneous  aids 
which  artificial  credits  have  required.  I  ihculd 
confider  it  as  a  circumdance  dangerous  to  the 
progrefs  of  fociety,  if  the  new  republics,  which 
are  to  rife  out  of  the  ruins  of  thefe  antiquated 
mattes  of  error,  fhould  retain  the  two  great  prin 
ciples  of  finance,  on  which  much  of  that  error  has 
been  fup ported.  To  raifc  the  revenue  by  &/($*/- 
ing  the  taxes ,  and  to  force  a  publhc  credit  by  dint 
of  funding,  have  been  equally  neceffary  to  the  an 
cient  fyftem  ;  and  it  appears  to  me  that  they  would 
be  equally  dertruclive  to  the  new. 

How  the  national  debts  that  now  exift  in  feveral 
countries,  are  to  be  difpofed  of,  under  a  change 
of  government,  is  indeed  a  queftion  of  ferious 


PRIVILEGED    ORDERS.  157 

magnitude.  Probably  that  of  France  will  be 
nearly  e'xitrrguiihed  by  the  fale  of  the  national  do 
mains.  That  of  Spain,  2nd  thofe  of  moft  other 
catholic  countries,  may  be  balanced  in  the  fame 
way.  In  fome  protefhmt  nations,  where  the 
debts  and  the  domains  Have  loft  their  relative  pro 
portion,  the  cafe  will  be  •widely  different.  But, 
wh.itever  may  be  the  fate  of  the  debts,  I  am  as 
clear  that  the)  ought  not,  as  I  am  thai  they  will 
not,  impede  the  progrcfs  of  liberty. 


E  N  D. 


O 


, 


A 

LETTER 

TO      THE 

NATIONAL     CONVENTION 

OF 

FRANCE, 

On  the  defeRs  in  the  Conjlitution  of  1791,    and  the 
extent  of  the  amendments  which  ought  to  be  applied. 


LONDON,  September  16,   1792. 

GENTLEMEN, 


T, 


H  E  time  is  at  laft  arrived,  when  the 
people  of  France,  by  reforting  to  their  own  pro 
per  dignity,  feel  themfelves  at  liberty  to  exercife 
their  embarrafiljd  reafon,  in  eftabli  filing  an  equal 
government.  The  pefent  crifis  in  your  affairs, 
marked  by  the  aflfembiing  of  a  National  Conven 
tion,  bears  nearly  the  fame  relation  to  the  laft 
tour  years  of  your  hiftory,  as  your  whole  revolu 
tion  bears  to  the  great  accumulated  mafs  of  mod 
ern  improvement.  Compared  therefore  with  all 
that  is  paft,  it  is  perhaps  the  moft  interesting  por 
tion  of  the  moft  important  period  that  Europe  has 
hitherto  feen. 


l6o  LETTER    TO    THE 

Under  this  impreflion,  and  with  the  deepcft 
fenfe  of  the  magnitude  of  the  fuDJe£t  which  is  to 
engige  your  attention,  I  take  a  liberty  which  no 
flight  motives  could  warrant  in  a  ftranger,  the 
liberty  of  offering  a  few  obfertionson  the  bufinefs 
that  lies  before  you,  -  Could  I  fuppofe  however, 
that  anv  apology  were  neceffary  for  this  intrnfion, 
I  fhould  not  rely  upon  the  one  here  mentioned. 
But  my  intentions  require  no  apology  ;  I  demand 
to  be  heard,  as  a  right.  Your  caufe  is  that  of  hu- 
ma*^  nature  at  large  :  you  are  the  representatives 
of  mankind  ;  and  though  I  am  not  literally  one  of 
your  conftiuients,  yet  I  mud  be  bound  by  your 
decrees.  My  happinefs  will  be  ferionfly  afRcled 
by  your  deliberations  ;  and  in  them  I  have  an  in- 
tereft  which  nothing  can  deftroy.  I  no*  only  c<>n- 
fider  all  mankind  as  forming  but  me  great  family, 
and  therefore  bound  by  a  natural  fvmpathy  to  re 
gard  each  other's  happinefs  as  making  part  of  their 
own  ;  but  I  contemplate  the  French  nation  at 
this  moment  as  fhnding  in  the  place  of  the  whole. 
You  have  itepped  forward  with  a  gigantic  ftricle  to 
an  enterprize  which  involves  the  intereft  of  every 
furrounding  "nation  ;  and  what  you  began  as  juf- 
tice  to  yourfelves,  you  are  called  upon  to  finifh  as  a 
duty  to  the  human  race. 

I  believe  no  man  cheri  flies  a  greater  veneration, 
than  I  have  uniformly  done,  for  the  National 
Aiiembly  who  framed  the  -conftitution,  which  I 
now  prefume  your  conftituents  expert  you  to  re- 
vife.  Perhaps  the  merits  of  that  body  of  men  will 
never  1  e  properly  appreciated.  The  greateit  part 
of  their  exertions  were  necefiarily  fpent  on  objects 
v.hich  cannot  be  defended  ;  and  which  from  their 
nature  can  make  no  figure  in  hiftory.  The  cnor- 
glu  of  abules  they  had  to  overturn,  the 


NATIONAL    CONVENTION.  l6l 

quantity  of  prejudice  with  which  their  functions 
called  then  to  contend,  as  well  in  their  own  minds 
as  in  thofe  of  all  the  European  world,  the  open 
oppofiiion  of  interefts,  the  fecret  weapons  of  cor 
ruption,  and  the  unbridled  fury  of  despairing  fac 
tion — thefe  are  fubje&s  which  efcape  our  common 
obfervation,  when  we  contemplate  the  labors  of  that 
AHembly.  But  the  legacy  tkey  have  left  to  their 
country  in  their  deliberative  capacity  will  remain 
a  Lifting  monument  to  their  pr-ufe  ;  and  though 
while  tea  re  hi  ng  out  the  defective  par's  of  their 
work,  without  lofing  fight  of  the  difficulties  UP  icr 
which  it  was  formed,  we  may  find  more  occafion 
to  admire  its  wifdom,  than  to  murmur  at  its 
faults  ;  yet  this  confederation  ought  not  to  deter  U3 
irom  the  attempt. 

The  great  leading  principle,  on  which  their 
con  dilution  was  meant  to  be  founded,  is  the  equal 
ity  of  rights.  This  principle  being  hid  down 
with  fuch  clearnefs,  andaffericd  with  fo  much  dig 
nity  in  the  beginning  of  the  code,  it  is  ftfange 
that  men  ei  clear  underftandings  ihould  fail  to  be 
charmed  with  the  beauty  of  the  fyfteni  which  na 
ture  muft  have  taught  them  to  build  on  that  found 
ation.  It  fhows  a  difpofition  to  counteracl  the 
analogy  of  nature,  to  fee  them  at  one  moment, 
impreiling  this  indelible  principle  on  our  minds;, 
and  with  the  next  breath  declaring,  That  France 
fhall  remain  a  monarchy, — that  it  mall  have  a 
king,  hereditary,  inviolable,  clothed  with  all  the 
executive,  and  much  of  the  iegiflative  power, 
commander  in  chief  of  all  the  nunonal  force'  by 
land  and  lea,  having  the  initiative  of  war,  and  the 
power  of  concluding  peace  ; — and  above  all,  to 
bear  them  declare  that,  "  The  nation  will  provide 
for  the  fplcndour  of  the  throne/'  granting  in  their 

O     2 


l62  LETTER    TO    THE 


legtflative  capacity  to  that  throne  more  than  a 
million  fterling  a  year,  from  the  national  pnrfe, 
befides  the  rents  of  eftates  which  are  fa  id  to 
amount  to  half  as  much  more. 

We  muft  be  aftonifhed  at  the  paradoxical  or 
ganization  of  the  minds  of  men  who  could  fee  no 
difcordance  in  thefe  ideas.  They  begin  with  the 
open  fimplicity  of  a  rational  republic,  and  imme 
diately  plunge  into  all  the  labyrinths  of  royalty  ; 
and  a  great  part  of  the  conftitutional  code  is  a 
practical  attempt  to  reconcile  thefe  two  difcordsnt 
theories*  It  is  a  perpetual  conflict  between  prin* 
ciple  and  precedent, — between  the  manly  truths  of 
nature,  which  we  all  muft  feel,  and  the  learned 
fubtilties  of  ftatefmcn,  about  which  we  have 
been  taught  to  reafon. 

In  reviewing  the  hiftory  of  human  opinions,  it 
is  an  unpleafant  confideration  to  remark  how  flow 
the  mind  has  always  been  in  feizing  the  mod  in- 
terefting  truths  ;  although,  when  difcovered,  they 
appear  to  have  been  the  rnoft  obvious.  This  re 
mark  is  nowhere  verified  with  more  circumftan- 
ces  of  regret,  than  in  the  progrefs of  your  ideas 
in  France  relative  to  the  inutility  of  the  kingly 
office.  It  was  not  enough  that  you  took  your 
firft  ftand  upon  the  high  ground  of  natural  right  ; 
where,  enlightened  by  the  fun  of  reafon,  you 
might  have  feen  the  coulds  of  prejudice  roll  far 
beneath  your  feet — it  was  not  enough  that  you 
began  by  confidering  royalty,  with  its  well- 
known  fcourges,  as  bein^  the  caufe  of  all  your 
evils, — that  the  kings  of  modern  Europe  are  the 
authors  of  war  and  mifery,  that  their  mutual  in* 
tercourfe  is  a  commerce  of  human  {laughter,- — that 
public  debts  and  private  oppreffions,  with  all  the 
degrading  vices  that  tarnifh  the  face  of  nature,  had 


NATIONAL    CONVENTION.  163 

their  origin  in  that  fpecies  of  government  which 
.offers  a  premium  for  wickednefs,  and  teaches  the  > 
few  to  trample  on  the  many  ; — it  was  not  enough 
that  you  faw  the  means  of  a  regeneration  of  man 
kind  in  the  fyltem  of  equal  rights,  and  that  in  a 
wealthy  and  powerful  nation  you  poiTefled  the  ad 
vantage  of  reducing  that  fydem  to  immediate 
practice,,  as  an  example  to  the  world  and  a  confo- 
lation  to  human  nature.  All  thefe  arguments, 
with  a  variety  of  others  which  your  republican 
orators  placed  in  the  drongeft  point  of  light,  were 
insufficient  to  raife  the  public  mind  to  a  proper 
view  of  the  fi inject. 

It  feems  that  fome  of  your  own  philofophers 
had  previoufly  taught,  that  royalty  was  necellary 
fo  a  great  nation.  Montefquieu,  among  his 
whimfical  maxims  about  laws  and  government, 
had  informed  the  world  that  a  limited  monarchy 
was  the  bed  poflible  fyftem,  and  that  a  democracy 
could  never  flour ifti,  but  in  a  fmall  tract  of  coun 
try.  How  many  of  your  legiflators  believed  in 
this  doctrine,  how  many  acted  from  ternporifmg 
motives,  wiftiing  to  buniili  royalty  by  flow  de 
grees,  and  how  many  were  led  by  principles  lefs 
pardonable  than  either,  it  is  impoffible  to  deter 
mine.  Certain  it  is,  that  republican  ideas  gained 
no  ground  upon  the  monarchial  in  your  condim 
ent  adcmbly,  during  the  lad:  fix  monxhs  of  »heir 
deliberations.  It  is  like  wife  certain  that  the  ma- 
jority  of  that  aflcmbly  took  much  pains  to  prevent 
the  people  from  difcovering  the  cheat  of  royalty, 
and  to  continue  their  ancient  veneration,  at  lead: 
for  a  whil*,  in  favour  of  certain  principles  in 
government  which  reafon  could  not  approve. 

It    is   remarkable  that    all   the  perfidy  of   your 
king,  at  the  time  of  his  flight;  fhould  have  had  fo 


I&J-  LETTER    TO    THE 

little  effe&  in  opening  the  eyes  of  fo  enlightened 
a  people  as  the  French.  His  flight,  and  the  in- 
fulting  declaration  which  he  left  behind  him,  were 
fufficient  not  only  to  give  the  lie  to  the  fiction, 
with  which  common  fenfe  has  always  been  put  to 
the  blufh,  and  to  which  your  affembly  had  at 
tempted  to  give  a  fanclion,  that  kings  can  do  no  wrong, 
but  they  were  fufficient  to  (how,  at  Icaft  to  all  who 
would  open  their  eyes,  that  the  bufmefs  of  gov 
ernment  required  no  fuch  officer.  There  is  no 
period  during  your  revolution,  if  there  is  any  to 
be  found  in  the  hiftory  of  France,  when  bufmefs 
went  on  with  more  alacrity  and  good  order,  than 
(luring  the  fufpenfion  of  the  royal  function*  in  the 
interval  from  the  time  that  the  king  was  brought 
back  to  the  capital  in  June,  till  the  completion  of 
the  conftitution  in  September.  Every  thing  went 
right  in  the  kingdom,  except  within  the  walls  of 
the  affembly.  A  majority  of  that  body  was  deter 
mined  to  make  an  experiment  of  a  limited  mon 
archy.  The  experiment  has  been  made.  Its 
duration  has  indeed  been  fhort,  being  lefs  than 
eleven  months  \  but,  although  in  fome  refpec'ts 
it  has  been  almoft  as  fatal  to  the  caufe  of  liberty  as 
any  fyflern  could  have  been  within  the  time,  yet 
in  other  refpefts  it  has  done  more  good  than  all  the 
reafonings  of  all  the  philofophers  of  the  age  could 
have  done  in  a  much  longer  time  :  it  has  taught 
them  a  new  doclrine,  whLh  no  experience  can 
flnki,  and  which  reafon  rmift  confirm,  tl.-at  kings 
can  do  no  good.  So  that,  if  the  queftion  were  now 
to  be  agitated  by  the  people  of  France,  as  it  may 
be  by  you  in  their  behalf*  whether  they  will  have  a 
king  or  not,  I  ihoulJ  fuppofe  the  following  would  be 
theliate  of  the  calculation  :  A  cretain  quantity  of 
evils  are  to  be  expected  from  the  regal  oSce  ,  and 


NATIONAL    CONVENTION.  lj 

thefe  evils  are  of  of  two  claffes,  certain  and  proba 
ble.  The  certain  evils  are,  i.  The  million  and  a 
half  fterling  a  year  drawn  from  the  people  to 
"  fupport  the  fplendour  of  the  throne  ;"  2.  A 
great  variety  of  enormous  falaries  paid  to  minif- 
ters  at  home,  to  ambafTadors  abroad,  and  to  bifh- 
ops  in  the  church  ;  while  the  only  bufinefs  of 
thefe  men  and  thrir  fabrics  is  to  fupport  the  fic 
tion,  that  kin^s  can  do  no  wrong;.  It  will  always 
coft  more  to  fupport  this  fiflion,  than  it  would  to 
iupport  the  whole  national  government  without  it. 
3.  The  word  of  all  the  certain  evils  is,  that  a 
great  part  of  the  million  and  a4  half  will  be  fpent  in 
bribery  and  cor-iiptiou  among  the  members  of 
the  legislature,  to  increafe  the  power  of  the 
throne,  and  the  means  of  oppreffion.  Ifthemo- 
Rey,  after  it  is  extorted  from  the  people,  could  be 
thrown  into  the  fea,  infteadof  being  paid  to  the 
king  and  his  fatellites,  the  evil  would  be  trifling  ; 
in  that  cafe  the  wickedncfs  would  ceafe  with  the 
firft  aft  of  injuftice  ;  while  in  this  it  multiplies 
the  weapons  of  deftru&ion  againft  themfelves. 
It  creates  a  perpetual  fcrambling  for  power,  re 
wards  knavery  in  the  higher  ranks,  encourages 
falfehood  in  others,  and  corrupts  the  morals  of 
the  whole.  This  it  is  that  clebafes  and  vilifies  the 
general  mafs  of  mankind,  and  brings  upon  them 
the  infuhing  remarks  of  many  men,  who  even 
\vifh  them  well,  that  the  people  are  unfit  for  liberty. 
Among  the  probable  evils  refulting  from  the 
kingly  office,  the  principal  one,  and  indeed  the 
only  one  that  need  to  be  mentioned,  is  the  chance 
of  its  being  held  by  a  weak  sr  a  wicked  man. — 
When  the  office  is  hereditary,  it  is  fcarcely  to  be 
expe&ed  but  that  this  fbould  always  be  the  cafe. 
Cenfidering  the  birth  and  education  of  princes, 


l66  LETTER    TO   THE 

the  change  of  fin  ling  one  with  practical  common 
fenfe  is  hardly  to  be  reckoned  among  pofiible 
events  ;  nor  is  the  probability  lefs  flrong  againft 
their  having  virtue.  The  temptations  to  wick- 
ednefs  arifmg  from  their  fttuation  are  too  powerful 
to  be  refilled.  The  perfuafive  arts  of  all  their  flat 
terers,  the  companions  of  their  youth,  the  minif- 
ters  of  their  pleafures,  and  every  perfon  with 
whom  they  ever  converfe,  are  neceflarily  employ 
ed  to  induce  them  to  increafe  their  revenue,  by 
oppreffing  the  people,  whom  they  are  taught  from 
their  cradle  to  coniider  as  beaits  of  burthen.  And 
•what  muft  almoft  infure  the  triumph  of  wickecl- 
nefs  is  their  tempers,  is  the  idea  that  they  aft  to 
tally  and  furever  without  reftraint.  This  is  an 
allurement  to  vice  that  even  men  of  fenfe  could 
fcarcely  refift.  Imprefs  it  on  the  mind  of  any 
man  that  he  can  de  nozorong^  and  he  will  foon  con 
vince  you  of  your  miftake. 

Take  this  general  fummary  of  the  evils  arifmg 
from  hereditary  monarchy,  under  any  reftri&ions 
that  can  be  propofed,  and  place  it  on  one  fide  of 
the  account, — and  (rate,  on  the  other  fide,  the 
truth  which  I  believe  no  man  of  reflection  will 
hereafter  call  in  queftion,  that  kings  can  do  no 
goody  and  the  friends  of  liberty  will  no  longer  be 
in  doubt  which  way  you  will  decide  the  queftion 
relative  to  that  part  of  your  conftitution. 

I  cannot  feel  eafy  in  difmiiling  this  part  of  my 
fubjeft,  without  offering  fome  remarks  on  that 
general  vauge  idea  which  has  long  been  floating 
about  in  the  world,  that  a  people  under  certain 
circumftances  are  unfit  for  liberty.  You  knew  in 
what  infulting  language  this  obfervation  has  been 
perpetually  applied  to  the  French  'during  the 
courfe  of  the  revolution.  Some  have  faid  that  they 


NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  167 

were  too  ignorant  to  form  a  government  of  their 
own,  others  that  they  were  too  poor,  others  that 
they  were  too  numerous,  and  others  that  they  were 
toovtfious.  I  will  not  defcend  to  the  examination 
of  the  particular  parts  of  this  charge,  nor  of  the 
whole  as  applied  to  the  French,  or  to  any  other 
particular  people  ;  I  will  only  remark  on  the  gen 
eral  obftrvation,  as  applicable  to  any  poffible  na 
tion  exifting  in  a  ftate  of  nature.  By  a  (late  of 
nature  I  mean  a  ftate  of  peace  ;  where  the  inten 
tion  is,  as  a  nation,  to  live  by  induftry  at  home, 
not  by  plunder  from  abroad. 

I  think  Montefquieu  has  faid,  that  virtue  mi  ft 
be  the  foundation  of  a  republican  government. 
His  book  is  not  now  by  me,  or  I  wrould  try  ta 
difcoyer  what  he  means  by  virtue.  If  he  means 
thofe  moral  habits  by  which  men  are  difpofed  to 
mutual  juftice  and  benevolence,  which  is  the  com 
mon  idea  of  virtue,  it  cannot  be  the  foundation  of 
a  republican  government,  or  of  any  government, 
Thefe  qualities  requiie  no  reftraints  :  the  mere 
general  their  influence  (hould  be  among  any  peo 
ple,  the  lefs  force  would  be  neccfiary  in  their  go 
vernment;  and  could  we  fuppofe  a  nation  in  which 
they  mould  exift  in  a  perfect  degree,  that  nation 
\vould  require  no  government  at  all.  It  is  the 
vices,  not  the  virtues  of  men  which  are  the  objecls 
of  reftraint,  and  the  foundation  of  government. 
The  exprefllon  of  the  general  will,  operating  on 
the  mind  of  an  individual,  ferves  with  him  as  a 
fubftitute  for  virtue.  This  general  will  may  al 
ways  be  expreiFed  by  a  nation  in  any  pofllble  cir- 
cumftances  ;  and,  if  the  nation  be  in  a  ftate  of 
nature,  this  expreffion  will  always  be  moral  virtue, 
according  to  their  ideas  of  the  word  ;  and  it  will 


l68  LETTER    TO    THE 

always  fend  to  moral  virtue,  in  the  moft  extenftve 
ferrV  in  which  we  have  yet  Uen  ahle  to  define  it. 

Ir  has  been  faid,  that  man  differs  from  man,  as 
much  a*  man  from  beaft  ;  it  is  faid  alfo  to  be  fit, 
that  the  wife  and  virtuous  nVuld  make  laws  for 
the  ignorant  and  vinous.  It  is  not  to  my  purpofe 
to  ?li  in  queftion  the  firft  of  thefe  a  fieri  u  ns  ;  but 
the  fecond,  pkiuf^hle  as  if  is,  I  muft  totally  deny  ; 
at  le-ft  in  the  fenfe  in  which  it  is  generally  nnder- 
ftood.  That  fome  men  in  ihe  fame  focit-ty  fhould 
be  wifer  and  better  than  others,  is  veiy  iu»umil  ; 
and  it  is  as  natural,  that  the  people  fhcnld  thoofe 
frrh  *o  reprtftnt  them  in  the  foiiy.iiiirn  of  I.-nvs. 
Bur  in  thi  c;fc  the  laws  originate  ticm  the  ptrple 
at  krre,  ignorant  and  vitions  as  thty  are  ;  L-;i:d 
the  rejM  fentatives  are  only  the  organs  by  wHch 
thf.ir  will  is  declared.  This  is  not  the  fenfe  in 
which  the  afferion  is  in-ended.  It  is  meant,  that 
if  kings  w/rrechvays  v  ife  arid  good,  or  if  a  band 
of  nobles  were  nlw;  y1  v  ife  and  good,  it  would  be 
beft  that  the\  flioiild  be  ihe  hereditary  legiilators. 
This  is  the  fenfe  in  whkh  I  deny  the  aflertkn, 
becaufe  it  is  contrary  K.<  tl:e  :;nal(>gy  of  nature.  It 
being;  a  ft.ibjccT:  on  >yhii:h  we  cannot  lock  for  ex 
perience,  we  muft  reafon  only  from  analogy^;  and 
it  appears  extrem.tly  evident  tome,  that,  were  a 
fucceffion  of  the  wifeft  and  bed  men  that  ever  have, 
or  ever  will  be  know  n,  to  be  perpetuated  in  r<ny 
coi?nrry  as  inckpendeni  Icgiilators  for  the  pec-pie, 
the  iK'ppincfs  ?.nd  government  of  the  nati(  n  wc-i.ld 
be  cricor'y  injure  by  it.  I  am  confident  that  *my 
people,  wfcethcr  virtuous  or ^'it iocs,  wife  or  igno 
rant,  n-  n •<  rf\-  or  Few,  lich  or  pc(-r,  are  'he  l\  ft 
jedges  of  thcl:  cv  n  w^nt*  relative  to  tie  reltr^ii,t 
of  laws,  is  re'  \\  •.  i  Ui  always  fupj'.ly  thofe  wants 
better  than  they  could  be  fupplied  by  others. 


NATIONAL    CONVENTION.  .    169 

In  expreffing  thefe  ideas  on  the  peace  and  hap- 
pinefs  to  be  expe&ed  from  a  free  republic,  I  have 
t>een  often  accufed  of  holding 'too  favourable  an 
opinion  of  human  nature.  But  it  appears  to  me, 
that  the  queftion,  whether  men,  on  any  given 
portion  of  the  earth,  are  able  to  make  their  own 
laws,  does  not  depend  in  the  leaft  on  their  moral 
character.  It  has  no  relation  to  their  ftate  of  im 
provement  or  their  ftate  of  morals.  The  only 
previous  enquiry  is,  What  is  the  object  to  -be 
aimed  at  in  the  government  ?  If  it  be  the  good  of 
the  whole  community,  the  whole  can  beft  know 
the  means  of  purfuingit ;  if  it  b£  to  exalt  a  few 
men  at  the  expence  of  all  the  reft,  the  decilion, 
perhaps,  may  take  a  different  turn. 

A  republic- of  beavers  or  of  monkies,  I  believe, 
could  not  be  benefited  by  receiving  their  laws 
from  men,  any  more  than  men  could  be  in  being 
governed  by  them.  If  the  Algerines  or  the  Hin 
doos  were  to  lhake  off  the  yoke  of  defpotifm,  and 
adopt  ideas  of  equal  liberty,  they  would  that  mo 
ment  be  in  a  condition  to  frame  a  better  govern 
ment  for  thetnfelves,  than  could  be  framed  for- 
them  by  the  moft  learned  ftatefmen  in  the  world. 
If  the  great  Mr.  Locke,  with  all  his  wifdnm  ami 
goo-lnefs,  were  to  attempt  the  tafk,  he  would  pro 
bably  fucceed  as  ill  as  he  did  in  his  conftitution  for 
the  colony  of  South-Carolina. 

Colonies  have  always  been  teazed  and  torment 
ed  more  or  lefs  (and  probably  always  will  be  as 
long  as  colonies  (hall  exift)  by  the  overweening 
wifdom  of  the  mother-country,  in  making  their 
]aws  and  conftitutions.  This  is  often  done 
without  any  wifh  to  tyrannize,  and  fometimes 
with  the  beft  intentions  to  promote  the  good  of 
the  people.  The  misfortune  more  frequently 
P 


1*70  LETTER    TO    THE 


lies  in  the  legifhtor's  not  knowing  the  wants  and 
•wifhes  of  the  people,  than  in  any  wanton  define 
to  counteract  ihem.  The  fure  and  only  charac- 
teriftic  of  a  good  law  i%  that  it  le  the  per/eft  ex- 
preffion  of  the  will  of  the  nation  ;  its  excellence  is 
precife-ly  in  proportion  to  the  nniverfality  and 
freedom  of  confent.  And  this  definition  remains 
the  fame,  whatever  be  the  character  of  the  nation, 
or  the  object  of  the  law.  Every  man,  as  an  indi 
vidual,  has  a  will  of  his  own,  and  a  manner  of 
exprefilng  it.  In  forming  thefe  individuals  into 
foctety,  it  is  neceiTary  •  to  form  their  wills  into  a 
government;  and  in  doing  this,  we  have  only  to 
find  the  eafieft  and  cleared  mode  of  exprefling  their 
wills  in  a  national  manner.  And  no  poflible  dif- 
advantages  relative  to  their  ft  ate  of  morals  or  civil 
ization  can  render  this  a  difficult  talk. 

I  have  gone  into  thefe  arguments,  not  merely 
to  prove  that  the  French  are  fit  for  liberty,  who 
are  certainly  at  this  moment  the  moft  enlightened 
nation  in  Europe  ,  but  to  (how  that  the  calumny 
contained  in  the  contrary  alTertion  need  not  be  re 
peated  againft  any  other  nation,  who  iliould  make 
the  like  exertions,  and  whofe  pretenfions,  in  this 
refpecly,  might  appear  more  questionable  in  the 
eye  of  fafhionable  remark, 

But  it  will  be  faid,  I  am  too  late  with  all  thefe 
obfervalions  on  the  neceffity  of  profcribing  roy?J'y 
from  your  conflitution  The  caufe  is  already 
judged  in  the  minds  of  the  whole  people  of 
France  ;  and  their  wiflies  will  furely  be  the  rule 
of  your  conduct.  I  fuppofe  that,  without  being 
reminded  of  your'duty  by  a  ftranger/  one  of  your 
firft  refolutions  would  be,  to  declare  a  republic,  to 
fix  a  national  anathema  on  every  veftige  of  regal 
power,  and  endeavour  to  wipe  out  from  the  hu- 


NATIONAL    CONVENTION.  171 

man  character  the  ftain  which  it  received,  with 
its  veneration  for  kings  and  hereditary  claims. 
But  it  requires  much  reflection  to  be  well  aware 
to  what  extent  this  duty  (hould  carry  you.  There 
are  many  vices  in  your  conftitution,  which  though 
not  opparently  connected  with  the  king,  had  their 
origin  in  regal  ideas.  To  purify  the  whole  code 
from  thefe  vices,  and  to  purge  human  nature  from 
their  effects,  it  will  be  necefiary  to  refort  to  many 
principles  which  appear  not  10  have  ftrtick  the 
minds  of  the  firft  aiiembly. 

You  will  permit  me  to  hint  at  fome  of  the  great 
outlines  of  what  may  be  expected  from  you,  un 
der  the  peculiar  advantages  with  which  you  meet 
to  form  a  glorious  republic.  Although  many  of  my 
ideas  may  be  perfectly  fuperfluous,  being  the  fame 
as  will  occur  to  every  member  of  your  body,  yet 
it  is  poiiTble  that  fome  of  them  may  (rrike  the 
mind  in  a  new  point  of  Hght5  apd  lead  to  reflec 
tions  which  would  not  rife  from  any  other. quar 
ter.  Should  this  be  the  cafe  in  the  ftr.alldt  degree 
it  ought  to  be  confidered,  both  by  you  and  me,  as 
sn  ample  reward  far  our  pains,  in- writing  and  in 
reading  this  letter. 

On  cohfidering  the  fubjecl  of  government, 
when  the  mind  is  once  fet  loofe  from" the  (hackles 
of  royalty,  it  finds  ilielf  in  a  new  world,  ft  rifes 
to  a  more  extern  five  view  of  every  ctrcumfHnce 
of  the  focial  ftate.  Human  nature  aUiirnes  a  new 
and  more  elevated  fliape,  and  difplays  many  mor 
al  features,  which,  from  having  been  always  dif- 
guifed,  were  not  known  to,exiit.  In  this  cafe, 
it  is  a  long  time  before  we  acquire  a  habit  of  tra 
cing  effects  to  their  proper  caufes,  and  of  apply 
ing  the  eafv  and  lirnple  remedy  to  thofe  vices  of 
cur  rutureSvhich  fociety  requires  us  to  reftraii-i. 


LETTER    TO    TK'JS-- 


This,  I  apprehend,  is  the  fource  of  by  for  the 
greateft  difficulties  with  which  you  have  to  con 
tend.  We  are  fo  much  tifed,  in  government,  to 
the  moft  complicated  fyflems,  as  being  neceflfary 
to  fupport  thofe  impofitions,  without  which  it  has 
been  fuppofed  irnpoflible  for  men  to  be  governed, 
that  it  is  an  unufual  tafk  to  conceive  of  the  fimpli- 
city  to  which  the  bufmefs  of  government  may  be 
reduced,  and  to  which  it  rnuft  be  reduced,  if  we 
would  have  it  anfwer  the  purpofe  of  promoting 
happincfs. 

After  profcribing  royalty,  with  all  its  append 
ages,  I  fuppofe  it  will  not  be  thought  neceffary 
in  France  to  fupport  any  other  errors  and  fuper- 
ilitions  of  a  nniiUr  completion  ;  but  that  undif- 
guifed  reafon  in  all  things  will  be  preferred  to  the 
cloak  of  impofitron.  Should  this  be  the  cafe,  you 
will  conceive  it  no  longer  neceflary  to  maintain  a 
national  church.  This  eftablifhrrient  is  fo  mani- 
feflly  an  impofition  upon  the  judgment  of  man 
kind,  that  the  conlthucnt  allembly  mud  have  con 
fide  red  it  in  that  light.  It  is  one  of  thofe  mon- 
archial  ideas,  which  pay  us  the  wretched  compli 
ment  of  flip  pofing  that  we  are  not  capable  of  being 
governed  by  our  own  reafon.  To  fuppofe  that  the 
people  of  France  are  to  iearn  the  mode  of  wor- 
iln'p ping  God  from  the  decrees  of  the  council  of 
Trente,  is  certainly  as  abfurd  as  it  would  be  to 
appeal  to  fuch  a  council  to  learn  how  to  breathe, 
or  to  open  their  eyes.  Neither  is  it  true,,  as  is  ar 
gued  by  the  advocates  of  this  part  of  your  con- 
{Htution,  that  the  preference  there  given  to  one 
mode  of  worfhip  by  the  payment  of  the  catholic 
priefts,  from  the  national  purfe,  to  the  exclufion 
of  others,  was  founded  o.n  the  idea  of  the  proper 
ty  fuppofed  to  have  been  poffbffed  by  ehat  church, 


NATIONAL    CONVENTION.  173 


and  which  by  the  aftembly  was  declared  to  be 
thenceforward  the  property  of  the  nation. 

The  church,  in  this  fenfe  of  the  word,  figniHes 
nothing  but  a  mode  yf  worjhip  ;  and  to  prove  that 
a  mode  can  be  the  proprietor  cf  lands,  requires 
a  fubtihy  of  logic  that  I  (hall  not  attempt  to  re 
fute.  The  fact  is,  the  church  confiderecl  as  an 
hierarchy,  was  always  neceiTary  to  the  fupport  of 
royalty  ;  and  your  aflembly,  with  great  confifteii- 
cy  of  defign,  wifliing  to  preferve  foine'hing  of  the 
uid  fabric,  prefer ved  fomeihing  of  this  neceftury 
prop.  But  as  the  fabric  is  now  overturned,  tfae 
prop  may  be  fafely  taken  away.  I  am  confident 
that  monarchy  and  hierarchy  will  be  buried  iu 
the  fame  grave  ;  and  that  in  France  they  will  not 
iurviv-e  the  prefent  year. 

I  know  that  it  is  after  ted  and  believed  by  foine 
well-withers  to  fociety,  that  religion  would  be 
loft  among  men,  if  they  were  to  banifh  nil  legal 
eflabli (laments  with  regard  to  the  manner  of  exer- 
cifing  it.  I  mould  not  be  fo  perfectly  convinced 
as  I  am  of  the  abfurdity  of  this  opinion,  were  it 
not  eafy  to  difcpver  how  it  came  to  be  introduced. 
It  is  an  idea,  as  I  believe,  purely  political  ;  and 
it  had  its  origin  in  the  fuppofed  ncccftity  of  gov 
erning  men  by  fraud, — of  erecting  their  credulity 
into  an  hierarchy,  in  order  to  fultain  the  defpoiifm 
of  theftate.  I  hold  religion  to  be  a  natural  propen- 
ilty  of  the  mind,  as  refpiration  is  of  the  lungr. 
If  this  be  true,  t'»  re  can  be  no  danger  of  its  bring 
loll  :  and  I  can  fee  no  more  reafcui  for  making 
laws  to  regulate  the  impreftion  of  Deity  upon  the 
foul,  than  there  woultl  be,  to  regulate  the  aclioa 
of  light  upon  the  eye,  or  of  air  upon  the  lungs, 
I  ihould  prefuinc  therefore,  that,  on  ft  ripping 
this  fubject  of  all  the  fal recovering  which  inic- 
P  2 


174  LETTER.   TO    THE 


qua!  governments  have  thrown  upon  it,  you  v\fl! 
make  no  national  provifion  for  the  fupport  of  any 
clafs  of  men,  under  the  mock  pretence  of  main 
taining  the  wo.rfhip  of  God.  But  you  will  leave 
every  part  of  the  community  to  nominate  and  pay 
their  own  minifters  in  their  own  way.  The  mode 
of  worfhip  which  they  will  thus  maintain,  will 
be  the  moft  conducive  to  good  order,  becaufe  it 
will  be  that  in  which  the  people  will  believe. 

Much  has  been  faid,  fmce  the  beginning  of  your 
revolution,  on  the  difference  between  the  bufmefs 
of  framing  conftitutions,  and  that  of  ordinary 
legiflation.  Indeed  I  am  afraid  that  either  too 
much  or  too  little  has  been  inculcated  on  this  fub- 
jecl:  ;  becaufe  it  appears  to  me,  that  the  doctrine 
now  received  is  not  that  which  the  fubjeft  would 
naturally  fuggeft.  It  teaches  us  to  confider  thofe 
laws  that  are  called  c  infill  nitons,  in  a  light  fo  fac- 
red,  as  to  favour  loo  much  of  the  old  leaven  of 
veneration  for  precedent  ;  and  every  degree  of 
fuch  veneration  is  fo  much  taken  from  the  chance 
of  improvement.  To  fuppofe  that  our  predecefTbrs 
were  wifer  than  ourfelves  is  not  an  extraordinary 
thing,  though  the  opinion  may  be  ill  founded  ; 
but  to  ftippofe  that  they  can  have  left  us  a  better 
fyftem  of  political  regulations  than  we  can  make 
for  ourfelves,  is  to  aicribe  to  them  a  degree  of 
difcernmcRt  to  which  our  own  bears  no  com  par  i- 
fon  ;  it  fuppofes  them  to  have  known  our  condi- 
dition  by  prophecy  better  than  v.  -.  know  it  by  ex 
perience. 

There  was  not  only  a  degree  of  arrogance  in 
your  firft  affembly,  .  in  fuppofmg  that  they  had 
framed  a  conftitmion,  which  for  a  number  of 
years  would  require  no  amendment  ;  but  they  be 
trayed  a  great  degree  of  weaknefs  in  imagining 


NATIONAL     CONVENTION. 


that  the  ridiculous  barriers  with  which  they  feaced 
it  round  would  be  fufficient  to  reft  rain  the  power 
ful  weight  of  opinion,  and  prevent  the  people 
from  cxercifing  the  irrefiftible  ri.^ht  of  innovation, 
whenever  experience  fhould  difcover  the  defecls 
of  the  fyitem.  It  is  partly  to  thefe  barriers,  as 
well  as  to  the  inherent  vices  of  the  constitution, 
that  we  are  to  attribute  the  late  infiirre&ions  in 
Paris.  If  we  would  trace  the  caufes  of  popular 
commotions,  we  fhould  always  find  them  to  have 
originated  in  a  previous  unjuft  reftraint. 

I  would  not  however  be  imderftood  to  mean  that 
there  fhould  be  no  diftinction  between  the  confti- 
tutional  code,  and  other  occafional  laws.  There 
is  room  for  a  confiderable  diiTerence,  both  as  to 
the  mode  of  exprefTing  them,  and  as  to  the  form 
alities  proper  to  be  obferved  in  repealing  or  amend 
ing  them.  I  will  offer  fome  remarks  on  a  plun 
for  amendments  towards  the  clofe  of  my  letter. 
With  regard  to  the  general  completion  of  the 
code,  it  ought  to  be  as  (imply  exprefTed  and  eafy 
to  be  underftood  .as  poflible  ;  foHt  ought  to  fervef 
not  only  as  a  guide  to  the  legiflative  body,  but  as* 
a  political  grammar  to  all  the  citizens.  The  great- 
tii  fervice  to  be  expelled  from  it  is,  that  it  fhould 
concentrate  the  maxims,  and  form  the  habits  of 
thinking,  for  the  whole  community*  For  this 
purpofe,  it  is  not  fufficient  that  it  be  purified  from 
every  veftige  of  monarchy,  and  hierarchy,  with 
all  the  impofitions  and  inequalities  which  have 
fprung  infenfibly  from  thefe  ideas  ;  but  it  fhould 
Contem plats  the  whole  circle  of  human  propenfi- 
ties,  and  cut  off  the  temptations  and  opporturmies 
for  degenerating  into  thofe  evils  which  have  fb  long 
afHicSled  mankind,  and  from  which  we  ate  now 
but  beginning  to  arife. 


LETTER    TO    THE 

After  laying  down  the  great  fundamental  prin 
ciple  that  all  men  are  equal  In  their  rightsy  it  ought 
to  be  the  invariable  object  of  the  focial  compact  to 
infure  the  exercife  of  that  equality,  by  rendering 
them  as  equal  in  all  forts  of  enjoyments,  as  can 
poffibly  be  confident  with  good  order,  induftry, 
and  the  reward  of  merit.  Every  individual  ought 
to  be  rendered  as  independent  of  every  other  individ 
ual  as  poflible  ;  and  at  the  fame  time  as  d:pendent 
as  poflible  on  the  whole  community.  On  this  un 
deniable  maxim,  I  think  the  following  pofitions 
ought  to  be  founded  and  guaranteed  in  the  confti- 
tutional  code  : 

Firfl,  The  only  bafis  of  reprefentation  in  the 
government  mould  be  population  \  territory  and 
property,  though  abfurdly  flated  by  your  firft  af- 
lernbly  as  making  part  of  the  bafis  of  reprefenta 
tion,  have  no  intereft  in  it.  Propeity,  in  itftlf, 
conveys  no  right  to  the  poiTeiTor,  but  the  right  of 
enjoying  it.  To  fay  that  it  has  the  right  of  claim 
ing  for  ufelf  the  protection  of  fociety,  is  abfurd  ; 
becaufe  it  is  already  protected,  or  it  would  not  be 
property.  It  is  the perfon,  not  the  property,  that 
exercifes  the  will,  and  is  capable  of  enjoying 
happinefs  ;  it  is  therefore  the  perfon,  for  whom 
government  is  inftituted,  and  by  whom  its  func 
tions  are  performed.  The  reafon  why  property 
has  been  coniidered  as  conveying  additional  lights 
to  the  poiFelFor  in  matters  of  government,  is  the 
fame  as  has  blinded  the  underftandings  of  men 
relative  to  the  whole  order  of  nature  in  fociety. 
It  is  one  of  thofe  appendages  of  monarchy  and 
oligarchy,  which  teaches  that  the  object  of  gov 
ernment  is  to  increafe  the  fplcrulour  of  the  few, 
and  the  misfortunes  of  the  many.  And  every 
flep  that  fuch  governments  take  has  a  tendency  to 


NAtlONAL    CONVENTION. 


Counteract  the  equality  of  rights,  by  ckftroying 
the  equality  of  enjoyments. 

Second,  If  you  take  population  as  the  only  bafrs 
of  reprefentation  in  the  departments,  the  next  (tep 
•will  be,  to  declare  every  independent  man  to  be 
an  adive  citizen.  By  an  independent  man,  I  mean 
every  ma~n  whom  the  laws  do  not  place  under  the 
control  of  another,  by  reafon  of  nonage  or  do- 
mefticity.  The  laws  of  France,  in  my  opinion^ 
have  always  placed  the  period  of  majority  by  fe- 
veral  years  too  late  ;  that  is,  later  than  nature  has 
placed  it.  This  however,  was  of  littkconfequence 
in  a  political  view,  as  long  as  the  government  re 
mained  defpotic  ;  but  now,  when  the  rights  of  man 
are  rcftored,  and  government  is* built  on  that  foun 
dation,  it  is  of  confequence  to  encreafe  as  far  as 
poflible  the  number  of  attive  citizens.  And  for 
this  purpofe  I  mould  fuppofe  the  period  of  majo 
rity  ought  to  be  placed  at  leaft  as  early  as-.the  age 
of  twenty  years.  To  make  this  change  in  France 
would  be  attended  with  many  advantages.  It 
would  increafe  the  flock  of  knowledge,  and  ui 
inciiiilry,  by  infpirtng  young  men  with  early  ideas 
of  independence,  and  the  necedity  of  providing 
for  themfelves  by  fome  ufeful  employment  :  it 
would  be  a  great  inducement  to  early  marriages  y 
and,  by  that  means,  increafe  population,  and  en 
courage  ptirity  of  morals. 

I  am  likevvife  fully  convinced  that  the  afTembly 
WQS  wrong  in  fuppoflng  that  a  ftate  of  domefiicity 
ought  to  deprive  a  man  of  the  rights  of"  a  freeman, 
This  is  a  relick  of  thofe  ideas  which  the  ancient 
government  has  infpired.  Where  a  fervarit  is 
ab(oiutely  dependent  on  the  caprice  of  a  mailer 
tor  his  place,  and  coniequently  for  his  bread,  there 
is  indeed  much  force  in  the  argument,  that  he  can 


178  LETTER    TO    THE 

have  no  political  will  of  his  own  ;  and  will  give 
his  fuffrage  as  directed  by  the  matter.  But  when 
every  man  fhall  be  abiblutely  free  to  follow  any  pro- 
fefHon,  every  kind  of  ufefui  induftry  being  equally 
encouraged  and  rewarded  ;  and  especially  when 
every  man  (hall  be  well  inftru6led  in  his  duties  and 
his  rights,  which  will  certainly  be  the  confequencc 
of  the  fyftem  you  have  now  begun, — fuch  argu 
ments  will  fall  to  the  ground  with  the  fyftem 
which  they  fupport.  The  fervant  and  his  mafter, 
though  not  equal  in  property  or  in  talents,  may  be 
perfectly  fo  in  freedom  and  in  virtue.  Wherever 
the  fervant  is  more  dependent  on  the  mafter,  than 
the  mafter  on  the  fervant,  there  is  fortieth  ing  wrong 
in  the  government.  The  fame  remarks  I  believe 
may  be  repeated,  with  little  variation,  in  the  cafe 
of  infolverit  debtors,  another  clafs  of  men  dif- 
franchifed  by  the  firft  afTembly. 

Third)  The  manner  in  which  c/itizenmip  may 
be  acquired  or  loft,  is  a  fubject  which  ought  to  be 
con  fide  red  by  you  ;  as  your  predeceifors  have  left 
in  it  fume  room  for  improvement.  Their  regu 
lation  was  indeed  a  liberal  one,  compared  with 
what  ot,her  governments  have  done  ;  but  not  fo, 
when  compared  with  what  the  fubjiecl:  required. 
I  am  confident  that  when  foclety  ft  all  be  placed  on 
the  right  footing,  the  citizens  of  any  ons  ftate  will 
coufider  thofe  of  any  other  ftate  as  their  brothers 
and  fellow  citizens  of  the  world  ;  and  in  this  cafe, 
when  thofe  who  are  called  foreigners  come  to  fet 
tle  among  them,  a  mere  declaration  of  their  in 
tention  of  refidence  will  be  fufficient  to  entitle 
them  to  all  the  rights  which  the  natives  poffefs.  I 
was  anxious  that  the  French  fhould  fet  the  example 
in  this  ipeeie's  of  liberality,  as  they  have  done  in 


KATIONAL    CONVENTION.  1J$ 

fa  many  other  good  things  ;  and  I  ft  ill  believe  that 
on  reviewing  the  fubject,  you  will  do  it. 

But  according  to  your  conftitution  there  are 
many  ways  in  which  the  rights  of  citizens  rnay 
be-lofts  for  one  of  which  I  can  fee  no  reafon  ;  it  is 
naturalization  in  a  foreign  country.  This  is  fo 
nianifeftly  illiberal  and  ur.juft,  that  I  am  alrnoft 
fure  it  will  be  altered.  It  is  an  old  feudal  idea  of 
allegiance;  and  goes  upon  the  fuppofniofl  that 
fidelity  to  one  country  is  incompatible  with  our 
duty  to  another.  When.a  citizen  of  one  Hate  is 
complimented  with  the  freedom  of  another,  it  is 
generally  an  acknowledgment  of  his  m<?rit  ;  but 
your  confhtuent  aflembly  coniklered  it  as  an  object 
cf  punifhment.  Many  of  your  citizens  have  been. 
naturalized  in  America  ;  but"  the  American  go 
vernments  certainly  did  not  forefee  that  this  act  of 
theirs  would  disfranchife  thofe  gentlemen  at  home. 
\ou  have  lately  conferred  the  rights  of  a  French 
citizen  on  George  Wamington.  If  he  fhould 
accept  the  honour  you  have  thus  done  him,  and 
the  American  conrutution  were  in  this  refpect  the 
lame  as  your  own,  he  muft  immediately  be  turned 
out  of  office,  and  for  ever  disfranchifed  at  home. 

Fourth,  You  will  doubtlefs  confider  the  import 
ant  fubject  of  the  frequency  of  popular  elections,  as 
claiming  a  farther  deliberation.  It  is  an  article  on 
which  too  much  reflection  cannot  be  beftowed.  It 
influences  the  habits  of  the  people  and  the  fpiiit  of 
the  government  in  a  variety  of  ways,  that  efcape 
our  common  obfervation.  1  mentioned  before, 
that  one  of  the  firft  objects  of  fociety  is  to  rerder 
every  individual  perfectly  dependent  on  the  whole 
community.  The  more  completely  this  object  is 
attained,  the  more  perfect  will  be  the  equality  of 
enjoyments  and  the  happinefs  of  the  ftate.  But 


BETTER    TO    THE 

of  all  individuals,  thofe  who  are  fele&ed  to  be  the 
organs  of  the  people,  in  making  and  in  executing 
the  laws,  fliowld  feel  this  dependence  in  the  flrong- 
eil  degree.  The  eafieft  and  moft  natural  method 
of  effecting  this  p.urpofe  is,  to  oblige  them  to  recur 
frequently  to  the  authors  of  their  official  exigence, 
todepofit  their  powers,  mingle  with  their  fellows, 
and  wait  the  decifion  of  the  fame  fovereign  will 
which  .created  them  at  firft,  to  know  whether  they 
are  again  to  be  trufted. 

There  are  doubtlefs  feme  limits  to  this  frequency 
of  election,  beyond  which  it  would  be  hurtful  to 
pafs  ;  as  every  fubjecT:  has  a  medium  between  two 
vinous  extremes.  But  I  know  of  no  office,  in 
any  department  of  ftate,  that  need  to  be  held  for 
mere  than  one  year,  without  a  new  election.  Moft 
men,  who  give  in  to  this  idea  with  refpe&  to  the 
legislative,  are  accuftomed  to  make  an  exception 
with  regard  to  the  executive,  and  particularly  with 
regard  tQ  that  part  which  is  called  the  judiciary, 
I  am  aware  of  all  the  arguments  that  are  ufually 
brought  in  fupport  of  thefe  exceptions  ;  but  they 
appear  to  me  of  little  weight,  in  comparifon  to 
thofe  in  favour  of  univerfal  annual  elections. 
Power  always  was,  and  always  muft-be,  a  danger 
ous  thing,  I  mean,  power  colje&ed  from  the 
great  mafsof  fociety,  and  delegated  to  a  few  hands; 
for  it  is  only  in  this  fenfe  that  it  can  properly  be 
called  power.  The  phyfical  forces  of  all' the  in 
dividuals  of  a  great  nation  cannot  be  brought  to 
a£l  at  once  upon  a  fmgle  objecl  j  and  the  fame 
may  be  faid  of  their  moral  forces.  It  is  neceflary 
therefore  that, the  exercife  of  thefe  fhould  always 
be  performed  by  delegation  ;1he  moral  in  legifla- 
don,  the  phyfical  in  execution.  This  is  the  pro 
per  definition  of  national  power  j  and  in  this  fenfe 


NATIONAL     CONVENTION.  l8l 

it  is  necefTanly  dangerous  ;  becaufe  ffHfljy  fpeak- 
ing,  it  is  not  exercifed  by  thofe  whofe  property  it 
is,  and  for  whofe  good  it  is  intended  to  operate. 
It  is  in  the  nature  of  this  kind  of  truft  to  invert 
in  fome  meafure  the  order  of  things  ;  it  apparently 
lets  the  fervant  above  the  mafler,  and  difpofes  him 
to  feel  a  kind  of  independence  which  ought  never 
to  be  felt  by  any  citizen.,  particularly  one  who  is 
charged- with  a  public  function. 

It  has  ever  been  the  tendency  of  government  to 
divide  the  fociety  into  two  parties, — the  governors 
and  the  governed.  The  mifchiefs  ariling  from 
tills  arc  aluioli  infinite.  It  not  only  dif poles  each 
narty  to  view  the  other  with  an  eye  ot  jealoufy 
atui  diilrufu  which  foon  rife  to  acls  <pf  fecret  or 
r-rr-n  enniitr,  hut  it  effectually  corrupts  the  morals 
of  both  p::v:i.:s,  and  d^ftroys  the  vital  principles  of 
ludety  ;  i'  rriakes  govcrrmcnt  the  trade  of  the 
f-'-w,  fiihrnii'lioii  the  drudgery  of  the  many,  and 
faifehoot!  the  common  artifice  of  the  whole.  Xo 
prevent  ihi?,  I  would  have  no  man  placed  in  a  po- 
fition  in  which  he  can  call  himfelf  governor,  for 
a  moment  longer  thr;n  while  he  performs  the  du- 
tj.es  ef  i;is  tnill  to  tlic  laiisfaclic-n  of  his  fellow 
''inzcnf,  nor  ev?n  then,  but  for  a  fliort  peri(^d.t 
llf:  fliould  ff;t4  at  all  times  as  ihotigti  he  were  loon 
to  change  place1'  wuh  any  one  of  liis  neighbours, 
whom  he  now  fees  iV  to  ins  authority. 

But  to  arifvver  this  purpnfe,  the  frequent  return 
nf  elcclions  is  not  of  iifdf  furTicient.  I  am  1'ully 
of  the  opinion,  that  with  regard  to  all  difcretion- 
ary  officers,  there  ought  to  be  an  exclufion  by  ro 
tation.  Thofe  fun&ions  that  are  purely  minifteria'I, 
fuch  as  thofe  of  (herifTs,  constables,  clerks  of 
courts,  regifters,  &c.  perhaps  may  form  excepti 
ons  ;  but  iegiflators,  executive  counfellors,  judges 

Q. 


lS2y  LETTER    TO    THE 

and  msgiftratcs  of  every  dcfcription,  mould  no? 
only  feel  their  dependence  on  the  people  by  an  an- 
rwial  election,  but  mould  frequently  mingle  with 
them  by  an  exclulion  from  office.  The  effect  of 
this  would  be,  not  what  is  often  averted,  that  noone 
would  underlland  government,  but  the  contrary, 
that  every  o.ie  would  underftand  it.  This  would 
for.m  a  prodigious  ftimulus  to  the  acquifition  of 
knowledge  among  all  defer iptions  of  men,  in  all 
parts  of  the  country.  Every  man  of  ordinary 
ability  would  be  not  only  capable  of.  watching 
ovtr  his  own  rights,  but  of  exercifing  any  of  the 
li.'iiclloiis  by  which  the  public  iVety  is  fecured. 
For  whatever  there  is  in  the  art  of  government, 
whether  legislative  or  executive,  above  the  capaci 
ty  of  the  ordinary  clafs  of  what  are  called  well 
informed  men,  is  fuperfluous  and  deftru&ive,  and 
ought  to  be  laid  afide.  The  man  who  is  called  a 
pd'-tlcinn>  according  to  the  practical  fenfe  of  the 
word  in  modern  Europe,  exercifes  an  office  infi 
nitely  more  deftniclive  to  focLty  than  that  of  a 
highwayman.  The  fame  may  be  faid,  in  general, 
of  the  financier  ;  whcfe  art  and  my  fiery,  on  the 
funding  fyflem  of  the  prefent  century,  confifts  in 
making  calculations  to  enable  governments  to  hire 
mankind  to  butcher  each  other,  by  drawing  bills 
on  pofterity  for  the  payment. 

I  would  therefore  fuggeft  the  propriety  of  your 
reviewing  the  article  of  biennial  elections,  as  in- 
Jlituted  by  your  firfl:  afleinbly,  and  of  your  mak 
ing  them  annual  j  and  the  fame  term,  if  not  the 
fame  manner  of  election,  ought  to  extend  to  all 
executive  officers,  whofe  functions  are  in  any 
manner  difcretionary.  I  think  it  would  likewife 
be  efTential,  that  no  office  of  this  defcription 
jfoould  be  held  by  one  man,  more  than  two  years 


NATIONAL  CONVENTION.  1^5 

in  any  term  of  four  years.  This  would  fend  into 
the  departments,  and  into  every  part  of  the  em 
pire,  at  frequent  periods,  feme  thoufands  of  men 
with  practical  knowledge  of  public  bufmefs  ;  it 
would  at  lead  be  the  means  of  doubling  the  number 
of  fuch  well-inftfucted  men  ;  and,  by  holding  out 
the  inducement  to  others  to  quality  themfclves  to 
merit  the  confidence  of  their  fellow  citizens,  it 
would  multiply  the  number  of  men  of  theoretical 
knowledge,  at  lead  ten  fold.  All  thcfe  men  will 
be  watchiul  guard  ans  of  the  public  fafefy.  But 
ihde  are  not  all  the  advantages  of  frequent,  elec 
tion?.  They  habituate  the  people  to  the  bufiiiefs 
of  L'cClion,  and  enable  iheai  to  carry  it  on  with 
order  ami  .ir  daily  labour  ;  they 

hubiiua'e   the    car  be  gratified   wilh  ihs 

public  confidence,  or  to  be  disappointed  in  the  ex- 
peclaiion  of  Graining  it  ,  fo  that  their  fdccefs  or 
difappoinimtnt  chafes  to  rmke  thai  deep  impref- 
fion  oi>  their  minds,  Which  it  o-herwife  would  do. 
It  is  thus  that  yoa  won!  \  cut  '  :t  an  infinite  fource 
<):  that  intrigue  and  corruption,  which  are  fore- 
lolJ  wuh  fo  much  horror  by  thofe  who  have  not 
well  ftucfed  the  erfe&sof  a  well  organized  popular 
inrnent.  But  another  method,  not  Ids  effec- 
t.ial,  to  prevent  the  arts  of  fcrambling  tor  power 
and  places,  will  be  hinted  at  in  the  following 
article. 

Fifth,  Among  the  fatal  mifconceptions  of  things 
\vhich  monarchy  has  entailed  upon  us,  and  which 
are  extremely  difficult  to  eradicate  from  the  mind, 
muft  be  reckoned  that  prevalent  opinion,  that  ?M 
governments  fh^uld  gratify  their  agents  \vi:h  enor- 
ffiQUS  Jaiaries.  This  idea  has  ufunlly  been  more 
particularly  applied  in  favour  of  the  executive  orTi- 
.-rs  of  governipent  and  their  dependants  ;  and  it 


LETTER    TO 


had  iis  origin  in  the  antecedent  principles,  that 
government  divides  the  people  into  two  diftincl 
claffe?,  and  that  the  fame  quantity  of  builncfV, 
coming  within  the  verse  of  one  of  thefe  claifes, 
mult  be  paid  for  at  a  iiiglier  price  than  it  would 
be,  within  that  cf  the  other  ;  though  it  iliould  be 
performed  by  the  fame  man,  and  required  the 
lame  exertion  of  talents*  Your  constitution  is 
iilent  as  to  the  quantity  of  falary  that  ihall.be  paid 
to  any  particular  officer  ;  it  only  fays  that  <l  the 
nation  (hall  provide  f:>r  the  iplcndour  of  the 
throne,"  (which  indeed  is  a  declaration  of  war 
ugainft  the  liberties  of  the  people)  b:it  the  authors 
of  that  coniVitution,  in  their  legiilative  capacity, 
after  providing  for  nclour  with  a  finn  fuf- 

licicnt    to    purchase    the   majority   of   ulniost    any 
ii-ijfi  [lunch  td  cnt  on  to  pro 

vide  for  tho  fplcndour  of  ihe  minilters.  They 
gave  i.o  one, if  my  memory  d  jos  not  deceive  me,  <>ne 
mm  I  red  and  fifty  thoufund  livre.s  slid  one  hundred 
ihoufund  'f  the  reft,  'i'his  on  an  av< 

js  about  tl.  s  more  than  ought  to  have  bee.1* 

jjiv'v'ii,  unl-jfs  tile  cfbjcc't  \vere  10  carry  en  the  gov 
ernment  by  intriguing  for  places 

I  mention  this  article,  not  on  the  fcore  of  oeco- 
nomy.  That  confidera'ion,  however  weighty  it 
may  appear,  is  one  of  the  lea 8:  that  can  itrike  the 
mind  on  the  fubject  of  public  falari-rs.  The  evil 
of  paying  too  much  is  pregnant  with  a  thoufancl 
mifchiefs.  It  is  almolt  fufficieat  of  itfelf  to  de 
feat  all  the  advantages  to  be  ex  peeled  from  the 
inftitutiori  of  an  eq?-al  government.  The  general 
rule  to  be  adopted  in  this  cafe,  (which  perhaps  is 
all  that  can  be  faid  "of  it  in  the  con(Htution)  ap 
pears  to  me  this,  That  fo  much>  and  no  tnc-re>  Jhall 
be  given  for  the  prrformance  cf  any  public  fundi^n^ 


NATIONAL   CONVENTION.  185 

t»\.  (hc$  be  fufficient  to  Induce  fuck  men  ts  undertake 
it  whoje  abilities  are  equal  to  the  tafi.  If  ibis  rule 
were  (tridlly  obferved,  it  is  rational  to  conclude, 
that  there  would  be  no  more  contention  or  in 
trigue  a  mono;  candidates  to  obtain  places  in  the 
government,  than  there  is  among  manufacturers, 
TO  find  a  market  for  their  goods.  1  his  concluilon 
becomes  more  probably  jnft,  when  we  confider 
that  your  intention  is  to  cut  off  from  the  fervants 
of  the  public  all  hopes  of  obtaining  the  public  mo- 
ney  by  any  indirect  and  fraudulent  meafure.--. 
When  there  (hail  be  no  more  civil  lift,  or  livrc 
rouge,  no  more  miniilerial  patronage  in  church  or 
fiaie,  no  more  fale  of  juftice  (i>r  purchafe  ot  opprei- 
lion,  or  any  kind  of  perquifiie  of  office,  but  the 
candidate  lliall  be  aflured,  that  all  ihe  money  he 
ihall  receive,  will  be  the  limple  fum  promifed  by 
the  legiilauire,  that  fum  being  no  more  tha 
work  is  honefily  worth,  he  will  accept  or  relin- 
qiiila  the  moft  important  truft,  as  he  \vould  an 
ordinary  occupation. 

This  iingle  c  ire  urn  ft  a  nee  of  falaries,  being 
wifely  guarded  on  every  fide,  would,  in  the  courfe 
of  its  operation,  aim  oft  change  the  moral  lace  ci 
government.  It  would  filence  all  the  clamours 
agaipft  the  republican  principle,  and  arkfwer  inanv 
of  the  faihioruble  calumnies  agaiiul  the  character 
of  the  human  heart. 

.    There  is  another  queftionable   opinion  now  ex 
tant,  even   in  republican  countries  ;    whuh,   as  it 
lus  made  feme  figure  in  France,  and  is  coniK. 
with  the  fubjecl:  of  falaries,   I  will  mention  in  this 
place.      It  is   fup poled   to  b^  neceliary,     for    ihc 
energy  of  government,  that  iis  officers  Ihoi:' 
fume   a  kind  of  external    pomp  and  iplencLur,  in 
older   to   dazzle   the   eve,  and   infpirc  .he  public 
Q.2 


l86  LETTER    TO    THE 

mind  with  a  veneration  for  their  authority.  As 
this  pomp  cannot  be  fupported  without  fame  ex- 
pence,  the  fuopofecl  nccellity  for  affuining  it  is 
always  offered  as  a  reafon  for  high  fabrics  ;  and, 
allowing  the  fir  it  portion  to  be  true,  the  confe- 
quence  is  certainly  reasonable  and  juft.  If  we  are 
to  be  governed  only  by  deception,  it  is  right  that 
we  Ihoulti  pay  for  this  deception.  But  the  whole 
argument  is  wrong ;  that  is,  if  we  allow  mon 
archy  and  hierarchy  to  be  wrong  ;  it  is  a  badge  of 
that  kind  of  government  which  is  dircclly  the  re- 
verfe  of  republican  principles,  or  the  government 
of  reafon.  I  do  not  deny,  that  this  official  pomp 
has  in  a  great  rneafure  the  effect  which  is  intended 
from  it  ;  it  irrpofes  on  the  unthinking  part  of 
mankind,  and  has  a  tendency  to  (ecu re  iheir  obe 
dience.  This  effect,  however,  is  not  fo  great  as 
that  of  fimplicity,  and  'he  native  dignity  of  reafon 
v/ould  be  ;  but  on  the  moral  habits  of  fociety,  its 
operation  is  more  pernicious  than  at  firft  view  we 
are  ready  to  imagine.  So  far  as  the  people  are 
caught  by  the  impoiiiion,  it  leads  them  to  wrong 
ideas  of  themfelve?,  of  their  officers,  and  of  the 
real  authority  of  laws.  This  is  a  fatal  deviation 
from  the  true  defign  of  government  ;  for  its  prin 
cipal  object  certainly  ought  to  be,  to  rectify  our 
opinions,  and  improve  our  morals. 

For  my  own  part,  when  I  fee  a  man  in  private 
life  affuming  an  external  fplendour,  for  the  fake 
of  gaining  attention,  I  cannot  but  feel  it  an  infult 
offered  to  my  underftandine  ;  becaufe  it  is  faying 
to  me,  that  I  have  not  difcerrrrent  enough  to  dif- 
tinguifh  his  merit,  without  this  kind  of  ccce  Jig- 
num.  And  when  an  officer  of  government  exhibits 
himfelf  in  the  foppery  of  a  puppet,  and  is  drawn 
by  fix  or  eight  horfes,  where  t\vo  would  be  really 


NATIONAL     CONVENTION.  187 

more  convenient  to  himfelf,  I  am  grieved  at  the 
iniult  offered  to  the  nation,  and  at  their  (hipidity 
in  not  perceiving  it.  For  the  language  of  the 
mummery  is  limply  this,  That  the  officer  cannot 
rely  upon  his  own  perfonal  dignity  as  a  title  to 
refpecl,  nor  the  laws  be  trnfled  to  their  own  juf- 
tice,  to  infure  their  execution.  It  is  a  full  ac 
knowledgment  on  his  part,  that  the  government 
is  bad,  and  that  he  is  obliged  to  dazzle  the  eyes  of 
the  people,  to  prevent  -hcrir  difcc-jvering  the  cheat. 
When  a  fee  of  judges  on  ihe  bench  take  the  pains 
Toiliroud  their  heads  and  fhoulders  in  a  fleece  of 
horfc-hair,  in  order  to  referable  the  bird  of  wif- 
dom,  it  raifcs  a  ftrong  fufpicion,  that  they  mean 
to  palm  upon  us  the  emblem  for  the  reality. 

It  is  eiiential  to  the  character  of  a  free  republic, 
that  every  thing  ihould  be  reduced  to  the  itandard 
of  reafon  ;  that  men  and  laws  fhould  depend  on 
their  own  intrinfic  merit,  and  that  no  fhadow  of 
deception  mould  ever  be  offered  to  the  people  ;  as 
it  cannot  fail  to  corrupt  thews,  and  pave  the  way 
to  oppreffion.  I  make  thefe  remarks,  not  that 
they  will  form  an  article  proper  to  enter  into  your 
conlHtution,  but  to  remove  every  appeurance  of 
argument  in  favour  of  high  falaries.  And  I  think 
the  conllitution  ought  to  contain  a  general  declara 
tion,  tkat  every  puLlic  /alary  fhwld  be  reftriftecl  to 
a  /urn  not  more  than  fiifficient  to  reward  ike  officer  far 
his  labour  ;  which  fum  mud,  of  courfc,  be  left  to 
be  fixed  by  the  legiflature. 

Sixth,  There  appears  to  me  to  be  an  error  of 
do&rine  in  France,  with  refpeft  to  the  relation 
which  ought  to  fwbiift  between  the  rtpreftntative, 
and  his  immediate  conftituents.  It  is  faid,  that 
when  a  representative  is  once  chofen,  and  fent  to 
the  aflembly,  he  is  no  longer  to  be  confidered  as 


l88  LETTER    TO    THE 

representing  the  people  of  the  particular  depart 
ment  which  lent  him,  but  of  the  nation  at  large  ; 
and  therefore,  during  the  term  for  which  he  is 
chofcn,  he  is  not  accountable  to  the  people  who 
chofe  him,/  but  is  to  be  controuled,  removed 
or  fufpendeci,  only  by  the  national  affembly.  This 
appears  to  have  been  eftablillied,  in  order  to  get 
rid  of  a  contrary  doctrine,  which  was  found  to  be 
inconvenient  ;  which  wa?,  that  a  delegate  fliould 
be  bound  at  all  times  to  follow  the  iitftru&itm*  of 
his  conitituents  ;  as  thereby  all  the  advantages  to 
be  expected  from  difcuiTion  and  deliberation  would 
be  loft.  If  the  firft  of  theie  be  an  error,  as  I  be 
lieve  it  is,  it  may  be  eafily  avoided,  without  run 
ning  into  the  laft.  When  the  delegate  receives 
inftruclions,  which  prove  to  be  contrary  to  the 
opinion  which  fie  afterwards  forms,  he  ought  to 
prefume  that  his  conflituents,  not  having  had  the 
advantage  of  hearing  the  national  difcuifion,  are 
not  well  informed  on  the  fubject,  and  his  duty  is 
to  vote  according  to  his  confcience.  It  is  to  be 
fuppofed  that,  for  his  own  fake,  he  will  explain 
to  them  his  motives  ;  but  if  for  this,  or  any  oth^r 
circumiiance.  they  mould  be  diffctisfied  with  his 
conduct,  they  have  an  undoubted  right  at  any  time 
to  recal  him,  and  nominate  another  in  his  place. 
This  will  tend  to  maintain  a  proper  relation  be 
tween  the  representative  and  the  people,  and  a 
due  dependence  of  ihe  former  upon  the  b.tter. 
Befides,  when  a  man  has  1  oil  the  confidence  of  his 
fellow-citizens  of  the  department,  he  is  no  longer 
their  reprefentative  ;  and  when  he  ceafes  to  be 
theirs,  he  cannot  in  any  fenfe  be  the  repreienta- 
tive  of  the  nation  ;  fmce  it  is  not  pretended  that  he 
can  derive  any  authority^  but  through  his  own 
conftituenis.  This,  however,  cannot  depiivc- the 


NATIONAL    CGNVEXT1OX.  l8<j 


of  its  right  to  expel  or  fufpend  a  member 
for  any  refractory  conduct,  which  may  be  deemed 
an  offence  againft  the  ilate. 

Seventh^  Trie  article  of  inviolability,  as  applied 
to  the  members  of  the  a'lembly,  or  to  any  other 
officers  of  the  ftate,  is  worthy  of  re-ccnfideration. 
But  before  it  be  again  decided  in  the  affirmative, 
you  ought  to  take  a  genera!  view  of  that  intereft* 
ing  fubjedl  of  Inrpfifwment  for  debt.  It  is  a  fpecies 
of  civil  cruelty  which  ail  modern  governments 
luve  borrowed  from  the  Roman  law,  which  con- 
ildered  a  debtor  as  a  criminal,  and  committed  the 
care  of  his  pumihment  into  the  hands  ot  the  cre 
ditor,  lending  the  public  prifon  as  an  inftrument 
of  private  ven  It  is  a  difgrace  to  the  wif-^ 

dom  of  a  nation,  and  can  never  be  allowed  in  a 
well  regulated  ilate.  If  no  citizen  iiiould  be  ar- 
re'led  or  depiived  cf  hh  liberty,  tor  debt,  there 
j  be  no  \}  :Ku;n^  an  exception  in  fa 

vour  of  the  oilers  of  government  ;  and  thus  you 
would  remove  a  cHliiiicUon  which  muit  always 
appear  unjull. 

ii'vbik)  You  will  fcarccly  think  that  your  duty 
is  discharged,  (b  as  to  {atisry  your  own  minds  on 
the  eiiabjiihment  of  a  conflitution,  from  which 
the  friends  of  huaiaaUy  will  anticipate  a  total  re 
generation  of  fociety,  until  you  ilnll  have  s^iven  a 
farther  declaration  on  the  fubjecl  of  penal  law. 
All  men  of  reflection  are  agreed,  that  puniiliments 
in  modern  times  have  loll  .all  proportion  to  the 
crimes  to  which  they  are  annexed,  even  on  that 
fcale of  barbarous  jufiicc  by  which  they  were  in 
troduced.  Few,  however,  have  had  the  wifdorn 
to  difcover,  or  tke  bokinefs  to  declare,  the  true 
caufe  of  the  evil  ;  and  while  we  remain  ignorant 
of  the  caufe,  it  is  no  wonder  that  we  fail  in  find- 


lETTER    TO    tHfc 


ing  the  remedy.  In  the  glooms  of  meditation  on 
the  miferies  of  civilized  life,  I  have  been  almoft 
led  to  adopt  this  conclufisn,  That  fociety  itfelf  is 
the  caufe  of  all  crimes  ;  and,  as  fuch,  it  has  no 
right  to  punifh  them  at  all.  But,  without  indulg 
ing  the  feverity  of  this  unqualified  aifcrtidn,  we 
may  venture  to  fay,  that  every  punilTiment  i>  a  new 
crime  ;  though  it  may  not  in  aii  cafes  be  fo  great 
as  would  follow  from  omitting  to  punlfh. 

There  is  a  manifeft  difference  between  pujrifij- 
ment  and  correction  ;  the  latter,  among  rational  be 
ings,  may  always  be  performed  by  inftruclioii  ; 
or  at  moft  by  fome  gentle  fpecies  of  reftraint.  Bui 
punifhment,  on  the  part  of  the  public,  ariles 
from  no  other  fource  but  a  jealoufy  of  power.  It 
is  a  confeflion  of  the  inability  of  fociety,  to  pro 
tect  itfelf  aguinil  an  ignorant  or  refractory  mem 
ber.  When  there  are  factions  in  a  itatc,  contend 
ing  for  the  fuprcme  command,  the  pains  hiflicled 
by  each  party  are  furnmary  \  they  often  precede 
(he  crime  ;  and  the  factions  wreak  their  vengeance 
on  each  other,  as  a  prevention  of  expefted  inju 
ries.  Something  very  fimihr  to  ^-'ls  is  what  per 
petually  takes  place  in  every  nation,  in  what  is 
called  a  dale  of  tranquilify  and  order.  For  go 
vernment  has  ufually  been  nothing  mere  than  a 
regulated  fad  ion.  The  party  which  governs,  and 
the  party  which  reluctantly  fubmits  to  be  governed, 
maintain  a  continual  conflict  ;  and  out  of  that 
conflict  proceed  the  crimes  and  the  punishments, 
or,  more  properly  fpeaking,  the  punifhrnerits  and 
the  crimes.  When  we  fee  the  power  of  the  na 
tion  feizing  an  individual,  dragging  him  to  a 
tribunal,  pronouncing  him  worthy  of  death,  arc! 
then  going  through  the  folemn  formalities  of  exe 
cution,  it  is  natural  to  alk,  what  is  the  meaning 


NATIONAL    CONVENTION.  lf)i 

of  all  this  ?  It  certainly  mean?,  that  the  nation  is 
in  a  ftate  of  civil  war  ;  and  even  in  that  barbarous 
ffoge  of  war,  when  it  is  thought  necetfary  to  put 
all  prifoners  to  death.  In  deciding  the  question, 
whether  a  particular  criminal  (hould  be  pur  to 
death,  I  never  would  afk  what  is  the  nature  of  his 
offence  ;  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  queftion  ;  I 
would  fimply  enquire,  what  is  the  condition  of 
the  fociety.  If  it  be  in  a  ftate  of  internal  peace, 
I  would  fay  it  was  wicked  and  abfurd  to  think  <yf 
irifii&ilig  fuch  punifhment.  To  plead  that  there 
is  a  rieceflity  for  that  defperate  remedy,  proves  a 
want  of  energy  in  the  government,  or  of  wifdom 
in  the  nation. 

When  men  are  in  a  (late  of  war,  with  the  ene 
my's  bayonets  pointed  at  their  breads,  or  when 
they  are  in  the  heat  of  a  revolution,  encompafTed 
by  treafen,  and  tormented  by  corruption,  there  is 
an  apology  for  human  {laughter  ;  but  when  you 
have  eftabliihed  a  wife  and  manly  government, 
founded  on  the  moral  fenfe,  and  invigorated  by  the 
enlightened  reafonof  the  people,  let  it  not  be  ful- 
lied  by  that  timid  vengeance,  which  belongs  only 
to  tyrants  and  ufurpers.  I  could  wilh  that  yorr 
conititution  might  declare,  not  merely  what  it  has 
already  declared,  that  the  penal  code  ilia  11  be  re 
formed,  but,  that  within  u  certain  period  after  the 
return  of  peace,  the  punljlment  of  death  ft  all  be 
aboli/hsd.  It  ought  like\vife  to  enjoin  it  on  the  le- 
gillative  body  to  foften  the  rigour  of  puniihments 
in  general,  till  they  (hall  amount  to  little  rn<"»re 
than  a  tender  paternal  correction.  Whoever  will 
look  into  the  human  heart,  and  examine  the  order 
of  nature  in  fociet}^  mud  be  convinced,  that  this 
is  the  mod  likely  method  of  preventing  the  com- 
miflion  of  crimes.  But, 


LETTER    TO    THE 


AVw/i,  In  order  to  be  confident  with  voirrfelves 
in  removing  thofe  abufes  which  have  laid  the  inun 
dation  of  all  offences  againft  fociety,  both  in  crimes 
nnd  puniihments,  you  ought  to  pay  a  farther  at 
tention  to  the  itecemty  of  public  iwftruftion.  It  is 
your  duty,  as  a  cenftituent  alTembly  to  eftablifh  a 
fyflem  of  government  that  (hall  improve  the  mo 
rals  of  mankind.  In  raffing  a  people  from  ilaverv 
to  freedom,  you  have  called  them  to  ac-1  on  a  new 
theatre  ;  and  it  is  a  necellary  part  of  your  bufinefs, 
to  teach  them  how  to  perform  their  parts.  By  dif- 
covering  to  a  man  his  rights,  you  impofe  upon 
him  a  new  fyftem  of  duties.  Every  Frenchman, 
born  to  liberty,  muft  now  claim,  among  the  firft 
of  his  rights,  the  right  of  being  inflructed  in  the 
manner  of  preferring  them.  This  the  fociety  has 
no  authority  to  refufe  ;  and  to  fail  of  enjoining  it 
en  the  legislative  body,  as  a  part  of  its  cem'bnt 
care,  would  be  to  ceunten;6t  the  principles  of  the 
revolution,  and  expofe  the  whole  fyiiem  to  be 
overturned. 

From  what  the  conflhmion  has  already  declared 
en  this  head,  and  fron  the  difpofition  of  the  two 
laft  afTemblits,  I  have  no  doubt  but  coniklerable 
intention  will  be  p:iid  to  it;  but  I  vifl'i  in  this 
place  to  rccommei  d  it  to  a  more  particular  confi- 
deration,  as  a  fubjtdl  connected  with  criminal 
law.  It  is  certain  thrt  no  obedience  c^n  be  rati 
onally  ex  peeled  from  any  man  to  a  law  which  he 
does  not  know.  It,  is  not  only  unjuft,  but  abfurd 
2nd  even  impcffjble,  to  enforce  his  obedience.  It 
is  therefore  but  half  the  bufinefs  of  legiilators  to 
make  good  law's  ;  an  indifpenfable  part  of  their 
duty  is  to  fee  that  every  perfon  in  the  (late  fhall 
perfectly  underiland  them.  The  barbarous  max 
im  of  jurifprudence,  That  rgnorame  of  the  law  is 


NATIONAL     CONVENTION.  193 

no  txcufs  to  the  offender,  is  ?n  in  Talent  apology  for 
tyranny,  and  ought  never  to  difgrace  the  policy  of 
a  rational  government.  I  think  therefore  it  would 
do  honour  to  your  conilitution,  and  ferve  as  a 
fiimulus  to  your  legillature  and  to  your  magif- 
trares,  in  the  great  duty  of  inftru£Uon,  to  declare, 
That  knowledge  /V  the  foundation  of  obedience,  and 
that  laws  Jhall  have  no  authority  but  where  they  are 
underftood. 

Tenth,  Since  I  am  treating  of  moral?,  the  great 
object  of  all  political  inftitutions,  I  cannot  avoid 
bellowing  fome  remarks  on  the  fubjecl:  of  public 
lotteries.  Ir  is  a  (hocking  difgrace  ta  modern  gov 
ernments,  that  they  are  driven  to  this  pitiful  piece 
of  knavery,  to  draw  money  from  the  people.  But 
nc>  circumflance  of  this  kind  is  fo  extraordinary, 
as  that  this  policy  iliould  be  continued  in  France, 
fmce  the  revolution  ;  and  that  a  ftate  lottery  ihouhl 
ftill  be  reckoned  among  the  permanent  fources  of 
revenue.  It  has  its  origin  in  deception  ;  and  de 
pends  for  its  fupport,  on -raifing  and  difappointing 
the  hopes  of  individuals,  on  perpetually  agitating 
the  mind  with  unreafonable  delires  of  gain,  on 
clouding  the  underftanding  with  fuperftiiious  ideas 
of  chance,  defliny,  and  fate,  on  diverting  the  at 
tention  from  regular  induitry,  and  promoting  a 
univerfal  fpirir  of  gambling,  which  carries  all  forts 
of  vices  into  all  clailes  of  people.  Whatever  way 
\ve  look  into  human  affairs,  we  fhall  ever  find,  that 
the  bad  organization  of  fociety  is  the  caufe  of  more 
diforders  than  could  poflibly  arife  from  the  natural 
temper  of  the  heart.  Anol  what  Ihull  we  fay  of  a 
government,  that  avowredly  fteps  forward  with 
the  infolence  of  an  open  enemy,  and  creates  a  new 
vice  for  the  fake  of  loading  it  with  a  tax  r  What 
right  has  fuch  a  government  to  puniih  our  follies  * 
R 


.1.04  LETTER    TO    THE 

And  who  cnn  look  without  difguft  on  the  impious 
figure    it   makes,  in    holding   the  fcourge    in  one 
hand,  and  the  temptation  in  the  other  r   You  cannot  ^ 
htfitate  to  declare    in    your    crnititutinn,  that   all 
ILite  lotteries  fhall  be  for  ever  abolifhed. 

'Eleventh^    As  yours   is    the   r,ri\  nation   in   the 
world,  that  has  folemnly  renounced  the  horrid  bu- 
f'nefs  of  conquefr,  you  ought  to  proceed  one  ftcp 
farther  and   declare,  that   you    will  have  no  more 
to   do   with  c'jhnu-s.     This  is  but  a  ntceilary  con- 
fequence  of  your  former  renuncia-icn.      Fur  colo 
nies  are  an  appendage  of   conqueft  ;  and  to  claim 
a  right  to  the^  one  would    be  claiming  a  perpetual, 
or  reiterated    right  to  the  other.      Suppofmg  yc.-ur 
colonies  were  to  declare  independence,  and  fet  up 
a   government   of  their   own,   (which    your  own 
principles  and  the  firft  laws  of  nature  declare  they 
have  a  right  to  do)  in  that  cafe,  the  fame  pretences 
which  you  now  have  to  hold  them  under  your  con 
trol,  would  certainly   juftify  you  in  reconquering 
and  fubje&ing   them.     But   it   would   be  a  mere 
\vafte  of  argument,  to   prove  that    you   have   no 
right  to  retain  a  iovereignty  over  them  ;  and  if  I 
could  bring  rnyfelf  to  pay   fo  ill  a  compliment  to 
your  jufticc,  as  to  fuppofe  that  you  could  wiih  to 
violate  a  right,  for  the  fake  of  what  is  called  policy, 
it  would  be  eafy  to  (how,  that  to  maintain  foreign 
pofTeffions,  is  in  all  cafes  as  impolitic,  as  it  is  un- 
juft  and  onpreflive.     Policy,   in   this  refpect,  can 
have  no  other  objecl  but  the  advantages  of  trade  ; 
arid   it   may   be   laid  down  as  a  univerfal  pofition, 
that  whatever  folid  advantages  can  flow  to  the  mo 
ther-country  from  the  trade  of  her  colonies,  would 
neceiTarily  flow  to  her,  if  they    were  independent 
Hates.     The  experience  of  mankind   has  not  yet 
enabled   us   even  to  fuppofe  a  cafe,  in  which  it 


NATIONAL    CONVENTION.  195 

would  be  otherwife.     Whatever  is  free  and    mu 
tually  advantageous  in  trade,  would  be  natural,  and 
would   be   carried  on   by    each  party  for  its  own 
intereft  :   whatever  is  unnatural  and  forced,   muft 
be   fecured   by  means  that  will  probably  Id'Fen  the 
quantity  of  the  whole  ;  but  at  all  events,   the  coil 
of  maintaining  it  will  for  ever  exceed  the  profits. 
This  is  not  only  found  to  be  true,  from  the  expe 
rience  of  every  nation  which  has  maintained  colo 
nies  abroad  ;  bm    the  nature   of  the    fubjccl   re 
quires   that   it  fhouki  always  be  the  cafe.      It  is  a 
theory,  for  the  proof  of  which  no  experience  could 
have  been  necclTary  ;  and  it  is  to  the  pride  of  kings, 
and  the  miilaken  rapacity  of  governments,    to  the 
falfe  glare  of  extended  fovereignty,  and  the  d'efirc 
of   providing    predatory  places  for  the  fycophams 
of  courts,  that    we  are    to   attribute   the    train  of 
^amities  which   has  tormented  the  maritime  na- 
t^as  of  Europe,   in    maintaining  colonies  for  the 
monopoly  of  trade.      And  where  are  we   to  look 
for  reafon  and   reformation,   but  to  France  ?   The 
Engliih  and  other  governments,  to  fupport  a  con- 
fiftency   of  charafter,    and   fill  up  the  mcafure  of 
their  fins*  are   faithful  only  to  this  one  poinr,  that 
the  more  they  are  convinced  of' the  truth,  the  more 
obftinate  is  their  perfeverance  in  error. 

I  cannot  but  think  it  unneceirary,  it  not  imper 
tinent,  to  enter  into  farther  arguments  to  prove, 
that  juftice,  policy,  and  the  trtie  principles  of 
commerce,  require  you  to  fet  the  example  to  the 
world,  of  declaring  your  colonies  abfolutely  free 
and  independent  ftates,  and  of  inviting  them  to 

r  r  \     •  '-i-i  & 

form  a  government  of  their  own.  1  he  example 
would  foon  be  followed  by  other  nations  ;  if  not 
from  reafon  and  from  choice,  at  lead  from  ihj 
more  imperious  argument  of  nccefTuy. 


.tQ6  LETTER    TO    THE 

Twelfth,  I  cannot  clofe  my  letter,  without  fume 
reflections  on  the  policy  of  maintaining  any  thing 
like  what  is  called  a  /landing  army  in  time  of  peace -, 
which  Teems  to  have  been  the  intention  of  your  firft 
afTembly.  Such  a  force  would  have  many  fatal 
effects  on  the  fpirit  of  a  republican  government, 
without  anfwering  any  good  purpofe  that  can  be  ex- 
peeled  from  it.  According  to  your  own  principles, 
you  will  have  no  more  to  do  with  foreign  wars, 
unlefs  you  are  invaded  ;  and  it  is  probable,  ihat 
the  prefcnt  is  the  laft  invafion  that  will  ever  be 
formed  againft  France.  But,  be  that  as  it  may, 
:i  (landing  military  force  is  the  worft  refource  that 
can  be  found  for  the  defence  of  a  free  republic. 
In  this  cafe,  the  ftrerigth  of  the  army  is  the  weak- 
nefs  of  the  nation.  If  the  army  be  rcallv  (Irong 
enough  to  be  relied  on  for  defence,  it  not  only 
impofes  upon  the  people  a  vail  unneceflary  ey- 
pence,  but  it  mud  be  a  dangerous  internment,  ?a 
the  hands  of  dangerous  men  ;  it  may  furnifh  the 
means  of  civil  wars,  and  of  the  definition  of  lib 
erty.  If,  on  the  contrary,  it  be  not  fufficient  for 
external  defence,  it  will  only  ferve  to  di (appoint 
the  people.  Being  taught  to  believe  that  they  have 
an  army,  they  will  ceafe  to^trufl  in  their  own 
ftrength,  and  be  deceived  in  their  expectations 
of  fafety. 

But  the  greateft  objection  againft  a  {landing  ar 
my  is,  the  effect  it  would  have  on  the  political 
fentiments  of  the  people.  Every  citizen  ought 
to  feel  himfelf  to  be  a  necelTary  part  of  the  great 
community,  for  every  purpofe  to  which  the  public 
interefl  csn  call  him  to  act  ;  he  mould  feel  the 
habits  of  a  citizen  and  the  energies  of  a  foldier, 
without  being  exclusively  deftiried  to  the  functions 
of  cither.  His  phyfical  and  moral  powers  ihould 


NATIONAL    CONVENTION.  IO7 

be  kept  in  equal  vigour  ;  as  the  difufq  of  the  for 
mer  would  be  very  foon  followed  by  the  decay  of 
the  latter.  If  it  be  wrong  to  trult  the  legiiLi.ive 
power  of  the  fhte  for  a  number  of  years,  OF  for 
life,  to  a  fmall  number  of  men  ;  it  is  certainly 
more  prepofterous  to  do  the  fame  thing  with  re 
gard  to  military  power.  Where  the  wifdom  re- 
fides,  there  ought  the  ftrength  to  reiiue,  in  the 
great  body  of  the  people  ;  and  neither  the  one  nor 
other  ought  ever  to  be  delegated,  but  for  ihort 
periods  of  time,  and  under  fevere  reiirictions, 
This  is  the  way  to  preferve  a  temperate  and  man 
ly  ufe  of  both  ;  and  thus,  by  irufting  only  to 
thernielves,  the  people  will  be  fure  of  a  perpetual 
deteace  againit  the  open  force,  and  the  ieciet  in 
trigues  of  all  pouible  enemies  at  home  and  abroad. 
Tklrtecniky  Arter  tracuig  the  outlines  of  your 
couftitution,  according  to  your  prefent  id^as,  :;;>d 
proclaiming  it  in  the  moft  folemn  manner,  as  t.h- 
foundation  of  law  an-;!  right,  it  will  iiill  be  vain  to 
think  of  retraining  the  people  from  making  al 
terations  and  amendments,  as  often  a?  exncrk:.v- 
in ull  indiue  them  to  change  their  opinions.  The 
point  you  have  to  aim  at  in  this,  is  to  agree  upoji 
a  method  in  which  amendments  can  be  made,  with 
out  any  of  thoie  extraordinary  exertions,  \\  .••• .'  h 
would  occalion  unneceffary  infurrecticuis.  The 
ni;.)re  eafy  and  expeditious  this  method  ihali  ap 
pear,  the  lefslikelv  It  will  bcMo  provoke  tlifoi 
'anj  the  better  it  will  anfwer  the  purpofe,  provi  ;-<; 
it  always  refers  the  fubjeitt  to  the  real  wifliel  ni 
the  people.  I  would  propofe,  therefore,  ;0a  tLo 
prelumotion  that  your  legillaiivc  b :.dy  tliaii  be  cho- 
ieii  only  tor  one  year  al  a  time.-  ihat  ever'/  inmnl 
national  aPicrably  Ih.ill  have  power  t'//./;v;%  and 
the  next  fucc&uiag  one  adspt  and  taltfit  -;-v 


198  LLTTKR,     <*:c. 

amendments  that  they  fhall  think  proper  in  the 
conllitutional  code.  But  it  ihoulcl  always  he  done 
under  this  red  notion,  that  the  articles  to  be  p. replied 
by  any  one  ajjemblyy  fhovtld  be  agreed  to,  and  p^liljbcd 
to  the  people  in  every  department ;,  within  tie  firft  Jix 
months  of  the  fejjion  of  that  ujjemvly.  This  would 
give  time  to  the  people  to  difcufe  the  fubjcct  ftillyf 
and  to  form  their  opinions,  previous  to  the  time 
of  electing  their  members  to  the  next  aflembly. 
The  members  of  the  new  aflembly,  when  they 
fhould  come  together,  would  thus  be  competent 
to  declare  the  wifhes  cf  the  people  on  the  amend 
ments  propofed,  and  would  act  upon  them  as  they 
iliould  think  proper.  The  fame  power  of  propf. flng 
and  then  of  adopting  would  be  continued  from  year 
to  year  with  perfect  fafety  to  the  conflitution,  and 
with  the  probability  of  improvement. 

Thus,  gentlemen,  I  have  given  a  hafty  (ketch 
of  fome  leading  ideas,  that  lay  with  weight  upon 
my  mind,  on  a  fubjectof  mucrumportance  ro  the 
interefts  of  a  eoniklerable  portion  cf  the  human 
race.  If  they  1'hould  be  thought  of  no  value,  they 
will  of  courfe  occupy  but  little  of  your  attention, 
and  therefore  can  do  no  injury.  If  I  have  faid 
any  thing  fiom  which  a  ufeiul  reflection  fhall  be 
drawn,  I  fhall  feel  myfelf  happy  in  having  render 
ed  fome  fervice  to  the  moft  glorious  caufe  that  ever 
engaged  the  attention  of  mankind. 


JOEL    B  A  RLOW. 


A 
LETTER 

ADDRESSED 

TO  THE  PEOPLE    OF   PIEDMONT, 

On  tie  advantages  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  tL? 
neceffity   of  adopting  its  principles  in   Italy. 

A  D  V  E  R  T  I  S  E  M  E  N  T. 


1  HIS  Letter  was  written  at  Charnbery  in 
S.ivoy,  in  December  1792,  at  the  requeil  of  thofc 
members  of  the  National  Convention,  wrfo  were 
then  in  that  country,  for  the  purnofe  of  organising 
the  department  of  Mont  Blanc,  it  was  printed  in 
French  at  Grenoble,  and  in  Italian  at  Nice,  and 
fcnt  from  thofe  places  into  Piedmont,  and  other 
parts  of  Italy,  during  that  winter. 

It  will  occur  to  the  reader  of  the  Engliih  copy, 
which  now  appears  for  the  fir  ft  time  in  print,  th  it 
the  defection  of  Dumonrier,  in  April  1793,'  the 
violent  faclions  which  didraclec!  the  Convention, 
and  the  fubfequent  civil  commotions  in  many  parts 
of  France,  occupied  the  attention  of  the  republi 
cans  the  rerrr-'inckT  of  that  year.  Their  opera 
tions  agalnit  the  league  of  foreign  enemies  (which 
was  now  augmented  by  the  addition  of  England, 
Holland,  Spain,  and  Naples)  were  confined  for 
that  campaign  to  the  defence  of  the  frontiers  \ 
and  they  were  thus  prevented  from  pu filing  the 


A D  V  £  R T I S E M  E NT. 

extenilve   advantages   which   they   had  gained  the! 
year  he  fore. 

This  circumftance  relieved  the  king  of  Sar 
dinia  from  the  cbfp^ir  in  which  he  had  been 
plunged.  It  gave  him  rime  to  augment  his  for 
ces  and  repair  his  fortifications.  It  gave  him  ar 
guments  againfl  the  French  and  the  principles  of 
the  revolution,  and  thiis  enabled  him  in  fome  de 
gree  to  unite  his  people  in  favour  of  the  fyitem  of 
defpotifm  to  which  they  had  been  accuitomed  ; 
for  it  mud  be  con  felled,  that  the  manner  in  which 
the  French  affairs  were  conducted  that  year,  had  .:i 
(Irons;  tendency  to  excite  a  difrelilh  to  their  caufc 
in  the  minds  of  dijKuit  or  ignorant  obfervers.  la 
addition  to  all  thefe  advantages,  he  received  a 
fubfidy  from  England,  to  enable  Jiim  to  defend 
his  own  dominions  ;  by  the  aid  ef  which  he  has 
fines  obtained  a  large  body  of  auxiliary  troops 
from  Tirol,  Milan,  and  Tufcany. 

Thefe  unexpected  events  produced  a  remark 
able  change  in  the  relative  fit  nation  of  the  French 
and  Piedmontcfe,  from  the  clofe  of  the  firft  cam 
paign  to  the  clofe  of  the  fecond.  But  the  third 
is  now  opened  with  as  much  advantage  to  the 
French  as  the  mod  ardent  republican  could  expeclt. 
The  troops  deftined  for  the  inrafion  of  Italy  this 
year,  did  not  amount  to  more  than  one  tenth  of 
the  military  force  that  they  now  have  in  motion 
on  the  continent.  Yet  thefe  have  already  palled 
the  Alps  in  three  different  directions,  and  are  at 
this  time  mailers  of  a  considerable  part  of  Pied 
mont.  It  is  probable  that  thfs  campaign  wilP 
e'tahlilTi  the  revolution  in  that  country,  but  un 
happily  with  more  expence  of  blood  than  was  ex- 
peeled  fr">;n  former  appearances.  -.Could  die 
fame  force  hare  been  employed  there  the  lad  year, 


ADVERTISEMENT. 

under  the  circumftances  that  then  exifted,  we 
may  p  re  fume  it  would  have  met  but  little  oppo- 
iition  ;  and  the  writer  might  have  had  the  fatif- 
faftion  of  feeing  that  his  letter  had  produced  fome 
effeft  in  promoting  the  caufc  of  liberty  and  hap- 
pinefs  in  that  interefting  part  of  the  world. 

JULY  15,  1794. 


(pT  The  notes  In  ibis  edition    zv?re   no! 

In  the  former  cries. 


A 
LETTER,     &c. 


CHAMBERY,  December  27,  1792, 

CITIZENS    OF    PIEDMONT, 


OU  occupy  one  of  the  ftrongeft  frontier^ 
of  a  onirury  which  nature  frems  to  have  deftined 
to  he  the  happidl  in  Europe.  But  a  number  of 
imperious  ciTCiitnftance$j  of  which  you  have  been 
rather  ;he  victims  than  the  author*?,-  have  for  many 
ccntu.io  in  .ericd.  the  order  of  things,  and  depri 
ved  y  >u  of  thofc  advantages  which  ought  to  attend 
vour  fituatioTi.  I  am  a  tlranger  in  this  part  ot  the 
world  ^  Italy  is  known  to  me  only  from  its  hi(loryy 
and  your  prefent  condition  only  from  diftant  obfer- 
varivjn  p.nd  report.  It  is  not  probable  that  I  (hall 
ever  havs  the  pleafure  of  feeing  )ou  or  any  "part  of 
your  country.  Yon  mull,  therefore,  acquit  me  of 
entertaining!  any  defire  to  miflead  you,  as  I  can 
hatfe  noppflible  intereft  in  addreffing  you  this  letter^ 
but  the  iutereft  the  human  heart  naturally  takes  in 
uttering  the  truth  on  a  very  important  fubjecl:. 
You  are  my  fellow-creatures  ;  as  fuch  I  love  you, 
and  cherifh  the  ties  which  ought  to  be  mutual  be 
tween  us.  You  are  in  a  condition  which  appears 
to  in--  to  call  upon  you  to  burft  the  bands  of  (lavery  ; 
in  this  view,  I  am  ready-  to  hail  you  as  brothers, 
and  vviih  to  aid  you  in  your  work. 

I  prefume  in  the   firft    place,  and  I  think  I  am 
not  deceived,  that  you  are  difcontentcd  with  your 


A     LETTER,    &C.  203 

prefent  fituation.  I  believe  you  are  convinced  that 
you  cannot  be  happy,  as  a  people,  while  the  pow- 
eis  of  your  government  remain  as  they  now  are, 
as  relative  to  the  church,  the  ftate,  and  the  army, 
If  this  be  true,  you  muft  wilh  for  a  change  ;  pro 
vided  fuch  change  can  be  within  your  power,  and 
provided  you  are  convinced  that  it  would  be  for 
your  advantage.  Let  us  examine  thefe  two  points  : 
\vhether  you  are  able  to  effect  a  revolution  in  your 
government  ;  and  if  you  are,  whether  you  would 
be  benefited  by  it.  —  For  it  is  not  my  wiib  to  hurry 
you  into  meafures,  of  which  you  cannot  fee  the 
iifue,  and  for  wh'ch  you  3re  not  prepared. 

I.   Are    T£#  able  to  effett  a  revolution  in  your  go- 


The  queftion  need  never  be  afked  of  any  people, 
\vhen  corifidered  with  reference  to  theinfelves  only, 
without  regard  to  their  neighbours.  A  whole  peo 
ple  iseiiemially  fovereign.  They  can  at  all  times 
do  as  they  pleafe  with  their  own  affairs,  unlefs  they 
are  overpowered  by  furrounding  nations.  It  is  the 
.people  who  fupport  the  government  as  it  IK  w  is  ; 
and  the  fame  fovereign  people  can  at  any  time 
.change  its  form,  and  fupport  it  in  whatever  man 
ner  if  frull  pleafe  them  beft.  The  qnellion  has  no 
cliBi,  ulty  in  ir,  but  when  viewed  with  reference  to 
the  intei'.ft  which  other  governments  may  have  in 
preventing  a  revolution  in  their  neighbourhood. 

The  enquiry,  nurfueo  in  this  connection,  be 
comes  more  exteniive  ;  efpecia:ly  when  applied  to 
a  country  of  fmall  dimenfions,  and  to  a  nation 
Icfs  powerful  than  fome'of  its  neighbours.  Such 
is  Piedmont.  Had  you  been  called  upon  feven 
years  ago  to  look  into  your  atFair,  and  take  the 
government  into  your  own  hands,  you  mud  have 
confideied  it  as  a  dangerous  experiment.  Even 


204  LETTER    TO    T  K.  F, 


fuppollng  the  weight  of  your  fufTcrinpps  to  have 
been  as  great  then  ss  they  are  now,  and  fuppcfijrg 
you  had  been  poilefled  of  the  fame  information 
which  you  have  fince  drawn  from  the  progrefs  of 
liberty  in  Europe,  it  would  fcarcely  have  been 
prudent  for  you  to  have  engaged  in  fo  daring  cm 
enterprife.  All  the  tyrants  in  your  neighbourhood 
'would  have  brought  forward  their  armies  of  flaves 
to  crufh  the  rebellion.  The  French  court  would 
have  been,  at  that  time,  as  much  your  enemy  as 
the  French  nation  is  now  your  friend.  And  the 
houfe  of  Auftria,  wi»h  all  the  fribdivifions  of  its 
power  in  Italy,  ported  at  your  gates,  would  have 
united  wilh  that  of  Bourbon,  to  have  guaranteed 
your  king  in  every  pofiible  extent  of  his  rpprcffion. 
Under  thefe  difadvantagts  your  Druggies  for  li-- 
berty  might  have  been  vain  ;  they  might  even  have 
produced  a  new  injury,  inftead  of  relieving  you 
from  the  old.  But  the  ground  is  now  charged  ; 
the  duty  von  owe  to  yourfelves  is  clearly  pointed 
out  by  the  natural  current  ef  events  ;  and  the  woik 
you  lr.;ve  to  do,  in  eiiablifhing  a  perfeS  and  untlif- 
turbtd  liberty,  is  in  my  opini*  n  much  eafier  than 
you  imagine.  France  is  at  <his  time,  not  only  the 
rroft  powerful  nation  in  Europe,  but  when  engag 
ed,  as  (he  now  is,  in  defence  of  liberty,  (he  is  a 
rru'tch  tor  all  the  other  powers  of  Europe,  v\  hen 
united  in  defence  cf  tyranny.  France  i*>  now  your 
natural  fritnd,  the  iiitud  of  all  people  and  the 
enemy  of  all  iy  rents.  She  is  indeed  the  only  friend 
you  have  as  a  nation  in  this  part  of  the  world. 
France  ha^  brought  liberty  to  your  doers  ;  and  fhe 
invites  you,  in  the  name  of  all  that  is  dear  <o  you 
as  men,  in  the  name  of  all  that  can  bind  yen  to  the 
inrerefts  of  human  nature  in  general,  to  accept 
the  billing  at  her  hands.  She  has  done  moie  ;  ihc 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT.  205 

lias  taught  you  and  all  other  people  how  public 
hapmnefs  is  to  be  acquired  and  preferved.  She 
has  adcireflfed  herfelf  to  the  great  principles  of  rea- 
fon  which  are  common  to  all  men  ;  (he  has  cleared 
away  the  mafs  of  prejudice,  of  falfe  doctrine,  of 
fuperftftion  in  the  fcienceof  morals  ^  a  mafs  which 
the  complicated  abufes  of  tyranny,  continued  for 
many  centuries,  had  accumulated  on  the  human 
mind.  She  has  laid  down  and  clearly  defined  the 
rights  and  duties  of  man  and  of  citizens,  explain 
ed  the  great  doclrine  of  equality,  the  true  defigri 
of  government,  the  nature  of  the  trnft  to  be  repof- 
ed  in  public  officers,  as  fervants  of  the  people,  bv 
whom  they  are  created  and  by  whom  they  are 
paid.  She  has  taught  you  a  great  practical  truth, 
which  is  too  confoling  to  be  rejected,  and  too  clear 
to  be  called  in  nueftion,  that  you  are  the  f we  feigns 

1  7  J  J  Ci 

in  your  own  country  ;  that  you  have  not,  that  you 
cannot  have  a  mailer,  unlefs  you  choofe  to  give 
up  your  reafon,  and  renounce  the  character  of 
men  ;  that  for  any  man  to  call  huufefF  your  fove- 
reign  is  a  blafphemy  againft  God  the  fovereign  of 
nature,  and  againft  men  the  proprietors  of  the 
earth. 

Obligations  of  gratitude  are  due  to  the  French 
nation  from  you,  and  from  every  people  in  Eu 
rope.  She  has  conquered  liberty  for  all  men,  and 
liid  the  foundation  for  univerfal  public  felicity. 
Other  nations  have  only  to  build  the  fupcrftrudi- 
ure,  of  which  the  model  is  given  them  in  the  con- 
ftltution  of  this  great  republic. 

But  let  us  not  amufe  ourfelves  with  words,  nor 
reft  the  argument  on  theoretical  principles,  howev 
er  inconteftible  they  may  be.  Let  us  fpeak  of 
facts  that  are  palling  before  our  eyes,  and  call  to 
mind  the  events  of  the  great  year  that  is  now  draw- 
S 


206  LETTER    TO    TKi 


ing  to  a  clofe.  You  have  feen  the  principal  ty 
rants  and  the  moil  formidable  armies  of  Europe, 
Combined  and  marching  in  the  full  career  of  'pro- 
mi  fed  viclory  againit  the  liberties  of  France. — 
Thefe  armies  after  fweepfng  over  half  of  Europe 
:-;nd  famtfhing  whole  countries  in  their  way  to  the 
French  frontiers,  have  there  been  cut  to  pieces  by 
a  handful  of  freemen,  and  driven  out  ol  their 
cnuntry.  Liberty  has  marched  on  the  heels  of 
the  fugitives  ;  the  arch  tyrant  of  Auflrhi,  at  the 
liead  of  this  fatal  confpiracy  of  kings,  has  lofl  the 
fin  eft  part  of  his  dominions  j  many  of  the  fubal- 
tern  print  es  of  the  empire  have  loll  the  whole  of 
theirs,  and  are  now  beggars  abroad  among  their 
brother,  brigands,  who  are  in  expectation  of  the 
fame  inevitable  fate.  The  (tandard  of  liberty  has 
readied  the  borders  of  tHe  Rhine  by  the  mifcar- 
riage  of  the  fame  combination  which  has  brought 
it  to  the  fummit  of  the  Alps. 

AH  the  crowned  heads  in  Europe  are  now  cov 
ered  with  thorns.  The  man  of  Turin,  who  calls 
kimielf  your  king,  has  been  forced  to  relinquilh 
one  half  of  the  ufurpations  of  his  anceftors,  and 
is  now  menacing  you  with  dtirruftion  for  fear 
you  mould  reclaim  the  red.  The  Dutchy  of  Sa 
voy  and  the  county  of  Nice,  more  fortunate  than 
you,  have  been  the  fir  ft  to  caft  off  his  yoke,  and 
are  now  ready  to  ailift  you  w  ith  their  arms  to  fol 
low  their  example.  The  pope  and  the  other  Ital 
ian  defpots,  are  occupied  in  retraining  the  fpirit 
ol  liberty  at  home  ;  fo  that  no  one  of  the  neigh 
bouring  powers  is  in  a  condition  to  take  any  con- 
iiderable  part  in  your  affairs,  except  the  French  ; 
and  the  French  are  wifhing  to  give  you  every  aid 
that  you  may  afk. 


PEOPJ.F,    GV    PIEDMOKT,  207 

Under  thefe  cipcumftances,  we  need  no  longer 
enquire  whether  you  are  able  to  eifec"l  a  revolu 
tion  ;  the  more  natural  queftion  is,  are  you  able 
to  refill:  it  ?  It  is  true,  the  French  have  renounced 
all  ideas  of  conqueft,  and  have  declared  that  they 
will  never  make  war  againlt  the  liberty  of  any 
people.  But  you  will  obferve  that  this  principle 
contains  in  itfelf  a  declaration  of  war  againft  all 
tyrants  who  are  hoftile  to  the  liberty  of  France  ; 
efpecially  againft  thofe  whofe  vicinity  renders  them 
dangerous, to  the  internal  peace  of  the  new  repub 
lic,  by  -f often ng  hs  fugitive  traitors,  and  being' 
the  centre  of  new  confpirncies  againft  the  rights 
of  mm.  The  court  of  Turin  comes  und:r  this 
defcription.  It  is  hoftile  to  the  liberties  of  France  ; 
it  has  been  fo  from  the  beginning  ;  the  nature  of 
its  external  connections  and  of  its  ir/crnal  confti- 
t'!tion  requires  that  it  flv>uld  be  fo  to  the  end. 
The  court  of  Turin  muff,  therefore,  be  over 
turned  ;  the  ^nveniinent  of  your  country  mud  be 
changed,  and  its  powers  reitored  to  you,  to  whom 
they  naturally  belong. 

This  is  a  fimple  view  of  facls,  which  may  ferve 
to  indicate  the  preient  crifis  of  vour  affairs,  of 
which  it  is  proper  thaf  you  fhould  be  apprifcd  ; 
that  by  a  due  coni'uleration  of  the  can  fibs  you  mny 
not  be  aftonifhcd  at  the  efFc'ers.  I  make  known  to 
you  my  opinion,  with  jli  the  frankneis  that  the 
fjicrhnity  of  the  fubjecf.  demands  ;  and  it  Teems 
uhmft  impoiriblc  that  you  fhould  tail  to  turn  the 
confequences  to  your  advantage. 

II.  The  more  important  queiHon  to  be  difculT- 
ed  is,  I  Whether  fiu  will  be  benefited  by  a  revolution 
in  \>sur  government  ? 

Many  of  you  will  doubtlefs  confider  this  enqui 
ry  as  ftiperfluops,  bvCaufe  your  condition  can 


£68  LETTER    TO    THE 


fcarcely  be  rendered  worfe,  and  the  means  of  ren 
dering  it  better  are  fo  obvious  that  they  cannot 
efcape  the  flighted  obfervation.  But  thole  of  you 
who  are  accuftomed  to  reflect  on  the  principles  of 
liberty  will  pardon  the  fimplicity  of  the  enquiry, 
in  favour  of  the  great  imfs  of  the  people  whom  it 
is  our  duty  to  inftrtift.  There  has  been  fo  much 
falfehood  and  folly  impofed  on  that  clafs  of  man 
kind,  in  order  to  debaie  and  brutalize  their  minds 
to  the  level  of  their  condition,  that  their  ignorance 
has  become  preter  natural  ;  it  is  almcft  neceilary  to 
begin  their  inftruction  by  informing  them  that  they 
are  human  creatures.  But,  citizens  of  Italy,  de- 
fcenciants  of  Brutus  and  Cato,  this  flate  of  degra 
dation  i^  not  the  condition  designed  for  man.  The 
God  of  eq;.rfi  liberty  has  allotted  you  a  different 
birthright  ;  yuii  are  now  invited  to  reclaim  your 
inheritance,  to  take  poflellion  of  your  portion 
among  your  brethren,  to  enjoy  it  in  peace,  and 
reftpre  harmony  to  the  great  family  of  men. 

You  have  been  fatally  mifinformed  with  refpecl 
to  the  nature  of  the  French  revolution,  and  the 
events  that  have  attended  it.  Your  religous  teach 
ers  and  your  political  matters  have  an  intercfl  in 
deceiving  you.  They  unite  their  efforts  for  this 
purpofe  ;  they  blind  your  eyes,  as  you  blind  the 
eyes  of  a  mill-horfe,  that  he  may  not  fee  his  har- 
nefs,  nor  confider  the  weight  he  draws.  If  the 
mill-horfe  could  know  that  he  has  only  a  feeble 
child  for  a  conductor,  and  that  he  is  made  to  go 
cor.ilamlv  round  in  the  fame  final!  circle,  fo  that 
he  cannot  hope  tc  come  nearer  his  journey's  end  ; 
efpeciaily  if  ho  could  look  into  the  neighbouring 
fields  and  fee  the  other  horfes  enjoying  their  liber 
ty,  he  would  icon  revolt  againlt  his  little  dcfpot, 
he  would  grow  difcou raged  with  the  fame  unpro- 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT.  2cg 

mifmg  round  of  fatigue,  and  reftife  to  do  his 
work.  It  is  for  this  rcafon  that  you  blind  his 
eyes.  My  friends,  the  fame  arts  are  i<fed  wi'h 
-  you.  The  clergy  and  the  nobles  of  your  coi?n'rv, 
with  a  man  at  their  head  whom  they  call  a  kini:, 
<io  nothing  but  live  upon  your  labours.  They 
cannot  fuprjort  their  luxury  by  any  other  means 
trmi  by  keeping  you  conftantly  at  work.  They 
know  that  if  you  were  to  be  informed  of  their 
weakncfs  and  of  your  own  ftrength,  you  woim! 
refufe  to  be  their  drudges.  They  are  fenfible  that 
the  moment  you  open  your  eyes,  you  will  fee  thai 
they  are  but  men,  that  all  men  are  equal  in  their 
rights,  that  they  have  no  more  right  or  power  to 
be  kings  and  lords  over  yen,  than  voi;  have  to  he 
kings  and  lords  over  them  ;  and  that  in  confc- 
quer.ce  of  this,  you  would  iin mediately  ov':rfu;n 
that  abominable  fyflem  of  public  rv  b  be  ry  which 
they  call  a  government,  andeftahluh  a  new  and 
eqinl  government,  which  ihould  (ecu re  to 
man  the  fruits  of  his  own  labours,  protect  the 
innocent,  pwiifh  the  guilty,  and  intlrucl:  every 
member  of  fociety  in  his  duties  and  his  rights. 

This  is  precifjly  what  the  people  of  Franco 
hive  done  ;  and  the  performance  of  tl.is  gre;-t 
work,  ib  neceiiary  to  the  happinef?  of  mankind, 
is  called  the  French  revolution.  It  is  the  know 
ledge  of  this  revolution  which  yoi*r  cc-urt  and 
clergy  wilh  to  conceal  from  you,  leit  yon  fhoiild 
fojlow  the  example.  They  prevent  the  French 
iTnvfp-rpcrs  from  coming  into  vour  co-.uury  ;  they 
forbid  the  reading  of  all  book-  that  treat  of  ifils 
revolution,  and  all  converfatioji  on  that  or  any 
other  poliiicil  fubjecl:  ;  they  have  (hut  up  the  po 
pular  theatres  at  Turin,  and  l-.-ft  open  none  but: 
that  of  the  nobility,  fro  in  which  theciiiztns  are 

S    2 


210  LETTER    TO    THE 


excluded  ;  they  have  fuppreffed  the  great  univer- 
fity  of  that  capital,  called  the  Unii-erfity  of  tie 
Provinces,  which  ufed  to  bring  itudents  from  <A\ 
parts  of  Italy,  and  a  con  deferable  emolument  to 
the  town  ;  they  have  doubled  the  number  of  their 
fpies,  and  increafed  the  powers  of  the  police. 

All  this  is  to  keep  you  ignorant  of  the  French 
revolution,  that  you  may  not  be  difpofcd  to  follow 
the  example.  Ohferve  the  infolt  offered  to  your 
underftanding.  If  the  example  were  bad,  your 
good  fenfe  would  teach  you  to  (huR  it  ^  it  would 
need  only  to  be  known,  to  be  defpifed  ;  and  it 
ought  to  be  explained  to  all  people,  that  they 
might  learn  to  avoid  fiich  a  dangerous  innovation. 
If  it  be  good,  it  ought  to  be  taught  by  your  teach 
ers,  and  imitated  by  all  the  world.  But  be  allured 
that  the  very  caution  they  ufe  to  prevent  your  com 
ing  to  the  Knowledge  of  the  *a£t,  is  a  proof  that 
fuch  a  revolution  would  be  an  advantage  to  you  and 
a  disadvantage  to  them. 

But  this  is  not  all  ;  they  have  invented  a  thou- 
fand  falfehoods  to  fupply  the  place  of  truth.  They 
have  told  you  lies,  in  order  to  excite  your  enmity 
againft  your  beft  friends,  and  to  roufe  you  to  war 
againft  thofe  principles  which  ought  to  be  as  dear 
to  you  as  to  the  French  ;  becaufe  they  are  the 
principles  of  equal  liberty  and  national  happinefr, 
applicable  to  all  people.  They  have  told  you  that 
the  French  nation  is  a  race  of  robber?,  a  flailing 
and  atheifts  ;  that  they  have  overturned  the  religion 
of  their  country,  waged  war  againft  all  property 
and  againfl  the  lives  of  its  owners.  Thefe  are 
impudent  falfehocds  which  never  could  have  been 
impofed  upon  you  for  a  moment,  had  you  been 
permitted  to  judge  for  yourfdves, 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT.  211 

With  regard  to  religion,  I  only  requeft  you  .to 
look  into  \he  firft  principles  of  liberty,  as  declared 
by  the  national  affembly.  You  will  find  them 
conformable  to  the  fytbm  of  the  catholic  faith, 
as  taught  by  the  apoftles  and  recognized  in  your 
country,  before  the  church  was  connected  with 
the  civil  government,  and  before  the  minifters  of 
the  altar  became  the  tyrants  of  the  ftate.  The 
French  conftitution  has  declared,  that  all  men  (hall 
be  free  to  worlhip  God  in  their  own  way,  and  to 
follow  the  dictates  of  their  confcierice.  If  any  man 
fhall  tell  you  that  this  is  deftroyjng  your  religion, 
he  is  a  liar,  and  not  worthy  to  be  your  teacher. 
The  gofpel  of  Jefus  Chrift  preaches  to  you  in  the 
ftrongeft  language  the  great  doclrine  of  equality  ; 
that  all  men  are  equal  in  the  fi^htof  God,  and  that 
you  fhall  call  no  ma.i  your  matter  upon  earth. — 
This  is  the  very  language  of  the  French  revolu 
tion.  Bui  its  authors  have  gone  farther  ;  and,  to 
iiJence  all  cavillers  who  could  perfuade  you  or 
others  that  they  have  deftroyed  the  catholic  relig 
ion,  they  have  done  more  to  maintain  it  than  any 
legislative  body  ever  did  before  ;  they  have  ordain 
ed  that  the  priefLsand  bifhops,  chofen  by  the  peo 
ple,  fhall  be  falaried  and  paid  out  of  the  national 
purfe. 

It  is  true,  they  have  fuppreiTed  thofe  haunts  of 
idlenefs,  hypocrify,  and  vice,  known  by  the  name 
of  monafteries  and  convents.  This  is  an  advantage 
to  religion,  inftead  of  being  again  ft  it  ;  for  relig 
ion  leaches  rnen  to  do  good,  and  to  Ir.l.rur  for 
their  living  ;  but  thefe  inftitutions  teach  them  to 
do  nothing,  and  live  upon  the  labours  of  others. 
Be  affured,  therefore,  that  the  French  have  done 
nothing  to  the  difadvantage  of  religion  ;  but,  on 
the  contrary,  they  have  done  much  to  maintain  it 


212  LETTER    TO    THE  . 

in  its  na  =  ive  purify  and  in  Impendence.  But  I  in- 
treat  you  in  th?  firnvrpy  of  mv  heart  not  to  jc- 
ceive  this  fa£t  on  the  ftreflgth  of  my  affertion,  or 
that  of  any  o>her  mm  ;  bn»  to  look  into  their  con- 
duel  and  judiTr?  for  your (elves. 

You  have  been  likewife  taught  to  believe  that 
the  French  have  violated  private  property.  This 
is  a  malicious  calumny,  which  every  ilep  of  tfet-Ir 
revolution  will  contradict,  the  moment  you  be 
come  acquainted  with  it.  In  all  the  decrees  of 
the  national  afTembly,  in  all  the  irregular  nove- 
ments  and  infiirfcdions  of  the  people,  whatever 
was  the  objeft^  you  will  find  they  have  paid  a  moft 
facred  regard  to  individual  property.  Their  con- 
duel:  in  this  refpeS  has  been  more  laudable  within 
thelaft  three  years  than  that  of  any  other  govern 
ment  in  Europe.  The  fame  thincj  may  be  ob- 
ferved  with  regard  to  the  private  morals  of  the  peo 
ple  ;  thev  are  e'lentially  better  than  they  formerly 
were.  There  have  been  lefs  inffo.nces  of  theft 
and  robbery  HI  France  fince  the  revr,lution,  than  nt 
any  former  peiioJi  ;  and  probably  lefs,  in  prt^por- 
tion  to  its  poprdation,  than  in  any  of  the  neigh 
bouring  countries  during  the  fame  period. 

With  regard  to  the  national  aifembly,  I  will 
give  you  fome  inftances  of  their  inviolable  princi 
ple  of  preferving  the  property  of  individuals 
arr.idll  the  fhock  of  the  revolution.  The  abufes 
of  the  ancient  government  had  created  thoufands 
of  ufclefs  offices  in  every  department  of  (late,  in 
tile  Jaw,  the  finance,  znd.  \\~\Q  king  s  Loufeboldy — the 
fame  as  you  fee  at  Turin.  i  hcfe  offices  were 
fuppofed  to  have  been  purchafed  and  paid  for  bv 
rhoie  who  held  them  ;  though  many  of  ihern  had 
been  given  gratis  through  favour  and.  intrigue. 
On  the  regeneration  of  the  government  and  ot  the 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT, 


nation  by  the  revolution,  it  was  necefiary  that 
thefe  destructive  fmecures  fliould  be  fuppreiTed  ; 
and  the  affembly,  confidering  them  as  the  proper 
ty  of  the  holders,  purchased  up  this  property  and 
paid  the  proprietors  the  full  prices  they  had  given 
or  were  fuppofed  to  have  given  for  their  places.  This 
aft  of  juftice  was  certainly  not  necellary  to  the  re 
volution.  I't  mult  therefore  be  conftdered  as  a 
mark  of  that  national  dignity  which  forbids  the 
violation  of  any  kind  of  private  property,  howev 
er  -{lender  the  tide  by  which  it  is  claimed. 

Another  inftance  may  be  obferved  in  the  public 
debt.  It  is  well  known  that  the  public  debt  o|* 
France,  as  well  as  that  of  Piedmont,  was  con* 
tracted  by  a  wicked  and  infamous  court,  the  great 
er  part  ot  it  for  the  word  of  purpofes.  It  was  in 
part  contracted  to  fup  x>rt  the  vices  ot  a  horde  of 
men  and  women  at  Verfailles,  who  were  a  dif- 
grace  to  human  nature,  and  whom  the  nation  was 
under  no  obligation  to  maintain  ;  it  was  in  part 
contracted  to  carry  on  foreign  wars  and  conr 
queit^,  the  exprefs  purpofe  of  which  was  to  rivet 
the  chains  of  the  people  at  home.  But  as  the 
creditors  in  general  were  not  to  be  blamed  for 
thefe  things,  they  were  decbred  to  be  the  propri 
etors  of  vhe  debt  ;  and  the  nation  ailumed  upon  it- 
ftrlf  the  payment,  without  any  diminution.  This 
muft  ever  be  remembered  as  an  act  of  fovercigri 
magnanimity  and  of  difmterclted  protection  to  the 
property  of  individuals  ;  an  a£t  to  which  they 
were  not  conltrained  by  any  neceflity  or  previous 
obligation.  A  royal  bankruptcy  mii>ht  have  been 
declared,  without  affecting  the  future  credit  of  the 
nation  ;  and  the  revolution  would  have  fuffbred 
no  delay,  but  would  have  been  facilitated  by  proceed 
ing  on  this  principle.  Initead  of  duing  this,  the 


•-*4  LKTTKR    TO    THE 

people  have  voluntarily  taken  an  immenfe  burden 
on  themfelves,  even  under  the  humiliating  cir- 
cumftance  of  giving  a  fan&ion  to  all  the  extrava 
gance  of  the  two  laft  centuries,  and  paying  at  this 
c!  »y,  under  the  rigid  economy  of  a  republic,  for 
thole  fplendid  palaces,  gardensr  and  water-works, 
which  infult  the  poverty  of  millions,  and  flare  the 
nation  in  the  face  wi'h  the  unpunifhed  crimes  of  a 
race  of  execrated  kinrjs. 

The  adl  of  the  afiembly  declaring  the  church 
lands  to  he  the  property  of  the  nation,  the  fup- 
prc  Ifion  of  tithes  and  other  feudal  claims,  have 
been  ofien  mentioned  as  violations  of  property. 
j  hbfe  who  reallv  confider  them  in  this  light  are 
weak  men,  or  they  have  not  examined  the  fub- 
ject  ;  thoie  who  perfuade  you  to  think  fo,  without 
believing  it  themfc-lves,  arc  wicked  men,  and  not 
to  be  truiled.  As  to  the  church  lands,  this  a&  of 
the  aflembJy  did  not  change  the  property  of  them 
^r  all.  They  belonged  to  the  nation  before. — - 
What  the  aflembly  did,  was  to  change  the  mods 
of  paying  the  clergy,  equalize  their  falaries,  and 
reduce  the  number  of  ecclefiaftics.  That  labori 
ous  and  more  ufeful  clafs  of  the  clergy,  who  be 
fore  were  ftarving  up^n  a  beggarly  pittance,  have 
had  their  falaries  raifed  ;  that  idle  and  overgrown 
clafs,  xvho,  without  doing  any  duty,  were  living 
in  the  fiyle  of  princes  and  tyrants,  have  been  re 
duced  to  a  moderate  income.  All  are  now  chofen 
by  the  people,  and  all  paid  by  the  nation.  With 
regard  to  the  feudal  claims,  they  were  founded  in 
ufurpation.  The  landlords  and  nobles,  to  whom 
they  were  attributed,  had  no  right  to  them  or  pro 
perty  in  them,  any  more  than  the  king  of  Sardin 
ia  has  property  in  you,  or  in  the  people  of  Jerufa- 
lern,  of  which  he  like  wife  fryieshimfe!  j  king.  The  To 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT.  215 

feudal  claims  were  mere  badges  of  ferv  it  tide,  which 
the  eilablifhment  of  equal  liberty  and  the  abolition 
of  hereditary  titles  rendered  it  neceilary  to  deftroy. 
The  nation  has  in  all  inliances  mowed  itfelf  able 
to  diftinguifh  between  the  empt>  fu  per  ft  it  ion  of 
pomp,  which  ferves  only, to  dtbafe  markiiid,  and 
the  folid  principles  of  fociety  on  which  the  revolu 
tion  is  tounded. 

You  have  heard  it  like  wife  averted  that  the 
French  revolution  has  been  marked  with  cruelly 
and  murder.  This  is  unfortunately  true.  But  it 
has  likewife  been  maiked  vviih  treachery,  with 
bribery,  with  perjury,  with  all  the  complicated 
wiles  of  expiring  defpbtifm.  All  the  cruelty,  all 
the  crimes  of  every  name  or  denomination,  that 
have  attended  this  revolution,  have  proceeded 
fiom  royalty,  the  adherents  of  royalty,  and  the 
refraclory  prieds.  The  court  of  Verfailles  had 
been  for  ag;es  a  fchool  of  falfehood  and  deceit  ; 
and  the  execution  of  the  penal  laws  ferved  as  a 
public  exhibition  of  torture,  to  familiarize  the 
people  with  the  molt  fanguinary  pimiihments.  If 
the  court  of  Turin  and  the  laws  of  Piedmont  are 
any  better,  it  is  happier  for  you  ;  you  will  have 
the  lefs  wickednefsto  combat  in  the  courfe  of  your 
revolution.  But  I  fear  in  fome  refpecls  they  are 
\vorfe.  Thefecircumftances  in  France  had  trained 
\ip  in  all  p:irfs  of  the  kingdom  a  numerous  clafs  of 
men  ve-h\l  in  every  art  of  treachery  and  perfidy. 
In  th<~  mat  ion  of  things  'he  great  niafs  of  the 
peop>} ;,  who  are  naturally  koneft  and  pood,  fet 
themfelves  feriouily  to  work  in  the  bufmefs  of  the 
revolution  ;  whLh  might  have  been  carried  on 
\virh  the  greatefl  harmony  ;  as  it  had  nothing  in 
view  but  the  welfare  of  the  whule.  But  theie 
deceitful  men,  being  enemies  of  the  revolution, 


LETTER    TO    THE 


and  finding  that  they  could  rot  opp<  fe  it  by  open 
force,  afTuined  the  mafk  of  patriotiim,  and  brought 
themfelves  into  places  (>t  trurt  in  every  department 
of  the  legiflative  and  executive  po\vcr.  The  cil<-v:r. 
of  this  was  that  thefe  good  people  fourd  thtmfelves 
deceived  and  betrayed  in  every  ib.geof  their  affairs, 
irom  the  beginning  of  the  revolution  in  i"8c,  till 
the  tenth  of  Auguir,  1792.  Being  furrounded  by 
traitors,  and  not  knowing  whom  to  triifl  even  with 
the  execution  of  their  own  vengeance,  it  wns  na 
tural  and  fometimes  neceifary  that  they  fhould 
cifume  this  terrible  talk  upon  themfchcs.  In 
fome  inuVmces  indeed  this  popular  ven-;t-i.n<:e  has 
been  ill  directed,  and  har  fallen  on  innocent  heads. 
Bur  thefe  instances  are  rare.* 

The  limits,  I  prefcribe  to  my  letter,  v,  ill  not 
allow  of  my  entering  into  details  on  a  {uhjocl  fo 
intricate  and  cxterifive.  This,  however,  troy  be 
relied  on  as  an  undeniable  truth,  that  no'.hing  is 
more  humane,  generous  and  juft,  than  the  general 
fpirit  of  the  revolution  •  and  whatever  particular 
acls  niay  feem  to  contiavene  thefe  principles, 
thofe  acis  are  chargeable  upon  its  enemies,  and 
not  upon  its  friends. 

But  to  arrive  at  the  fubjeft  the  moft  interefling 
for  your  immediate  coi.Iideration,  let  us  follow 

*  This  was  wit/en  previous  to  tt:e  ejiablijkment 
cf  t!;e  Revolutionai  y  Tribunal  .  //  is  indeed  to  be 
egretted  that  t/M.<!  li.jiuuticn  ivas  deferred  Jo  fa  late. 
a  p  cried  \  asiftyaj  calculated  to  prevent  a  rncrc  tti- 
mitiiuajfS  mode  of  cxercifing  popular  i-fngeaiice.  But 
?t  is  more  to  be  regretted  that  fitch  a  tribunal  lec&nie 
neceffary  at  all,  and  cffecially  that  it  has  been  Jwc- 
times  ujed  by  the  leaders  as  an  hiftruwgnt  cf  forty 
y  without  an  htncji  regard  to  the  good  cf  the  cauje. 


r 


PEOPLE     OF    PIEDMONT. 

the  courfe  of  the  revolution  in  a  geographical 
fenfe,  and  pafs  with  it  from  France  to  Piedmont, 
The  revolution  in  this  journey  has  ilopi;ed  to  \\  in 
ter  in  Savoy,  from  whence  I  write  this  letter  ; 
and  before  we  mount  the  Alps,  it  is  natural  to 
make  a  paufe,  to  contemplate  the  country  where 
we  are.  Here  is  a  people  who  lately  made  part 
of  yourfelves,  and  who  are  now  feparated  from 
you,  rather  on  account  of  their  vicinity  to  France, 
than  for  any  particular  intereft  different  from  your 
own.  For,  in  the  great  caufe  ©f  liberty,  the  in- 
tereftsof  all  people  are  the  fame.  It  is  the  caufe  of 
tyranny  that  has  made  them  enemies  ;  it  is  the 
impofition  and  falfehood  of  thofe  who  would  live 
on  other  men's  labours,  that  have  occafioned  ail 
the  wars  of  every  nation  in  the  world.  The  peo 
ple  of  Savoy  were  certainly  under  ao  obligation  to 
be  governed  by  the  king  of  Jerufalem  ;  though 
they  had  groaned  under  his  yoke  for  many  gener 
ations.  Their  late  conduct  in  declaring  their  own 
fovercignty  and  independence,  abol  idling  heredi 
tary  titles,  and  eftablifhing  a  government  of  their 
own  on  the  principles  of  equal  liberty,  is  a  fub- 
jecl  which  muft  (hike  your  minds  in  a  very  inter 
filing  point  of  view.  Your  tyrants  will  reprefrnt 
it  as  a  crime  which  ought  to  excite  your  indigna 
tion  ;  and  they  will  call  on  "you  to  take  up  arms 
and  ruin,  headlong  into  a  definitive  war,  to  afllft 
them  in  reducing  this  country  a^ain  to  their  obedi 
ence.  They  are  IK>W  preparing  their  force/, 
augmenting  their  armies,  borrowing  money  abroad 
and  extorting  it  from  the  hand  of  inchiftry  at  home, 
for  this  deteltable  purpofe.  You  are  to  be  taken 
from  your  farms  and  your  mops,  and  enrolled  in 
the  regiments  of  death.  If  you  are  unwilling  to 
engage  in  this  new  kind  of  llavery,  you  are  to  be 


219  LETTER    TO    TilK 

feized  upon  like  fo  many  felons,  dragged  frora 
your  wivej  and  children,  and  tortured  into  difci- 
pline  under  the  laih  of  a  military  officer.  Your 
families  are  to  be  leit  to  peri (h  in  poverty,  while 
you  perhaps  are  flaugfiterefi  in  the  field. 

But  before  you  fuller  yourfelyes  to  be  driven  to 
this  defoerate  bufinefs,  I  intreat  you  to  refort  to 
your  own  reafon,  and  exercife  the  right  of  judg 
ing  for  yourfelves.  Confider  the  nature  of  the 
enterprise,  and  the  objedt  you  have  in  view. — 
Who  are  the  people  on  whom  you  are  going  to 
let  fall  this  terrible  ftroke  of  vengeance  r  What  is 
their  crime  ?  Are  they  not  your  brothers  and 
friends  ?  Have  they  not  a£ted  as  you  would  have 
done  in  the  fame  fituation  ?  And  ought  you  not 
rather  at  this  moment  to  follow  their  example, 
than  to  be  the  inflruments  of  their  deflruclion  and 
your  own  ?  Let  us  attend  to  this  enquiry  before  it 
be  too  late. 

The  people  of  Savoy,  as  to  their  local  pofition 
fland  in  the  fame  relation  to  France  as  you  (land  in 
to  Italy.  They  and  you  are  polled  in  the  march 
es  of  thefe  two  great  fractions  cf  the  continent. — 
As  long  as  this  part  of  Europe  is  governed  by  ty 
rants,  perpetually  contending  for  dominion  on 
each  fide  of  the  Alps,  thefe  pofitions  expofe  you 
both  to  the  inroads  of  all  parties.  You  cannot 
avoid  being  infulred  by  foreign  armies  in  their 
pafTage  through  your  country,  although  you  have 
no  intereft  in  their  quarrels.  Your  hiftory  is  full 
of  examples  of  this  kind,  from  the  days  of  Han 
nibal,  down  to  that  infamous  war  of  the  Spanifh 
fucceffion,  which  involved  your  country  in  blood 
and  held  half  Europe  in  arms  for  many  years  to 
gether  ;  a  war  in  which  you  had  no  other  concern^ 
than  that  of  being  the  viSims  of  foreign  difputes. 


TEOFLE    OF    PIEDMONT^ 

The  face  of  your  country  bears  the  infulting  marks 
of  this  unfortunate  pofnion  in  which  you  are  pla 
ced.  It  is  covered  with  fortifications.  As  if  na 
ture  had  not  thrown  rocks  and  mountains  enough 
in  your  way,  you  have  been  forced  to  create  them 
by  the  hand  of  art,  to  encompafs  your  towns  with 
walls,  and  disfigure  your  fields  with  towers  and 
caftles.  Your  agriculture  has  been  ill-condu£ted, 
your  manufactures  negle&ed  ;  all  the  ufeftil  arts 
have  been  forced  to  yield  to  a  general  fyftem  of 
defence  againft  the  enemies  of  your  neighbours, 
when  you  had  ho  enemies  of  your  own. 

In    this  filiation,  what    is  to   be  done  ?  You 
cannot  change  the  pofitiori  which  nature  has  given 
to  your  country.     Your  only  refource  is  to  change 
the   policy  of   Europe  from    war  to  peace*     You 
are  more  peculiarly    intereil'ed   in   the    perpetusA 
peace   of  Europe  than  any  other  people  on  earth. 
Tiiis   is   a  weighty  confideration,  a   truth   which 
your  tyrants  cannot  deny.      It  is  the  knowledge  of 
this  truth  which  has  influenced  the  people  of"  Sa 
voy  in  their  late   change  of  government.      It  is  in 
this  point  of  view  that  they  have  contemplated  the 
French  revolution  ;  with  this  they  have  adopted  it 
themfelves,  and   wifli  to  extend   it  to  you,   whole 
iituation   fo   nt/arly    refembles   their  own.     With 
this  view  you  ought  to  wiih  to  extend  it   to  all   the 
dates  of  Italy,  to  Spain,  and  to    the  circles  of  the 
empire,    from    whence    it  would   travel   through 
Europe  and  through  the  world. 

The  principles  of  this  revolution  are  thofe  of 
imivertal  peace  ;  anj  it  is  impoifible  that  it  fhould 
fail  to  produce  the  efts&,  becaufe  it  takes  away 
every  motive  for  national  hoftility,  and  teaches 
the  people  of  all  countries  to  regard  each  other  as 
friends  and  fellow-citizens  of  the  world.  ~E(tab- 


9,20  LETTER    tO    THE 

liili  equal  liberty  among  the  people,  and  inftrticl: 
them  in  the  duties  that  arife  from  that  fituation 
as  the  French  are  about  to  do  ;  you  will  then  find 
lhat  the  bufinefs  of  tyrants  has  ceafed,  and  the 
race  is  forever  extinft.  Purge  the  earth  of  its 
tyrants,  and  it  will  no  more  be  tormented  with 
war. 

The  conduft  of  the  people  of  Savoy  in  uniting 
themfelves  to  the  French  republic  deferves  a  far 
ther  confideration.  This  was  a  meafure  inciden 
tal  to  their  geographical  pofiiion  on  the  French 
fide  of  the  Alps  ;  and  the  arguments  which  indu 
ced  them  to  it,  do  not  apply  to  you.  It  is  proba 
ble  for  the  purpofes  of  civil  government  you  will 
henceforward  be  two  diiii  net  people.  But  this 
ilep  of  theirs  cannot  be  confidered  by  you  as  an  aft 
of  hoftility,  or  a  breach  of  friendship.  They  are 
certainly  not  lefs  your  friends  fince  they  have  ceaf 
ed  to  be  your  fellow-fubjc6ts.  It  is  an  elTential 
fjuality  of  a  French  citizen  to  be  the  friend  of  all 
people,  efpecially  of  thofe  in  his  neighbourhood, 
vvhofe  peace  and  happinefs  will  alvvays  be  necefia- 
ry  to  his  own. 

The  eiTence  of  tyranny  is  to  counteract  the 
economy  of  nature,  the  efTence  of  liberty  is  to 
promote  it.  Nature  has  faid  that  the  French  anj 
the  Savoyards  fliould  be  one  people  ;  but  ty 
ranny  has  faid  that  the  Savoyards  and  the  Pied- 
montefe  fliould  be  one  people.  Confult  your  hif- 
tory,  and  fee  what  torrents  of  blood  have  been 
ihed  to  cement  this  unnatural  union.  Come  and 
view  the  condition  of  this  unfortunate  people  ; 
poiTeffmg  one  of  the  fined  countries  in  the  world, 
and  deprived  of  the  means  of  improving  it  ;  fub- 
jefted  for  ages  to  a  race  of  weak  and  impolitic 
princes,  who,  fixing  their  refidcnce  on  the  other 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT.  221 

fide  of  the  Alps,  have  paid  no  other  attention  to 
this  part  of  their  dominions,  than  to  keep  the  peo 
ple  in  poverty  and  ignorance,  in  order  to  fecure 
their  obedience.  A  military  force,  fent  from  your 
country,  has  been  mainfained  here  to  infult  the 
inhabitants,  by  exercifing  the  police  in  every 
town  and  village.  The  fenate  of  Savoy,  which 
was  formerly  a  legiflative  body,  has  been  long 
fince  reduced  to  the  fimple  functions  of  a  judiciary 
tribunal,  and  its  members  appointed  by  the  king. 
He  has  prevented  the  working  of  the  mines  of 
iron,  lead,  and  coals,  with  which  the  country 
abounds  ;  he  has  preven'ed  the  eftabliihment  of 
any  one  of  the  different  manufactures  to  which  the 
inhabitants  are  peculiarly  invited  by  the  abund 
ance  of  raw  materials,  by  their  numerous  currents 
of  water,  by  their  vicinity  to  France,  and  the 
convenient  navigation  of  the  I  fere  and  the  Rhone  ; 
he  has  difcouraged  their  agriculture  by  the  ihackles 
he  has  laid  upon  their  commerce,  even  in  the  in 
terior  of  his  own  dominions  ;  for  the  trade  be 
tween  Piedmont  and  Savoy  has  been  fubjeded  to 
the  fame  pernicious  regulations  and  impolitions 
which  exift  between  rival  nations  among  the  mod 
jealous  defpots  of  Europe  ;  he  has  interpofed  his 
authority  between  parents  and  the  duties  they  owe 
their  children,  by  difcouraging  the  education  of 
youth,  fo  far  as  to  oblige  thofe  who  are  defined  for 
the  learned  profeffions  to  perform  their  fludies  at 
Turin.* 

T    2 

*  There  are  in  Savoy  fix  different  colleges  of  edu 
cation^  which  have  exiftedfor  feveral  centuries,  and 
have  been  exclufively  appropriated  to  thoje  ftudies 
which  have  been  kniwn  in  catholic  Europe  by  the  name 


£22  1ETTER    TO    THK 

It  would  be  tedious  to  recount  to  you  rf(i  -lift 
inftances  of  folly  and  cruelty  exercifed  by  your 
government  againft  the  people  of  this  country. — 
One  general  complaint,  which  appears  to  be  we]! 
founded,  is,  that  all  your  kings,  efpecially  the  one 
from  whom  they  have  now  revolted,  have  ihovvu 
an  humiliating  diftinction  in  their  treatment  of 
you  and  them.  The  Savoyards  have  been  treated 
as  your  flaves,  as  well  as  the  ilaves  of  your  com- 
morf.  mafter.  Their  hard  earnings  have  been 
drained  from  them,  to  increafe  the  wealth  and 
population  of  Piedmont*  You  mud  obferve, 
however,  that  this  was  not  defigned  as  an  au/an- 
tage  to  you,  neither  has  it  been  fo  in  fa 61.  It 
was  done  to  facilitate  the  collection  of  the  king'* 
revenue.  You  have  been  made  the  inftrumenio  .,t 
drawing  money  from  tliefe  people,  for  no  other 
reafon  than  ifwas  more  tafy  to  draw  it  immediate 
ly  from  you,  than  from  them,  by  the  tyrants  of 
Turin. 

of  Theology.  This  -was  anecefjary  precaution  of  irt 
government  \  as,  without  dijiributing  thefe  inftitu^ 
tions  in  all  the  principal  towns,  and  rendering  //!»/.« 
fort  of  in  ft  ruft  Ion  eafj  and  c  leap,  it  would  have  fa  eh 
impoffille  to  have  initiated  a  fufficient  number  of  men 
to  keep  the  people  in  that  Jl ate  of  ignorance  which  was 
neceff'irv  for  their  continuance  in  Jlavery. 

Within  a  few  years  there  has  been  eftallifoed  in 
the  college  of  Chamlery  a  prcfeffc~?'Jhip  in  hnv>  and 
another  in  medicine,  but  imdsr  this  reft  rift  ion  ^  that 
two  years  refidence  here  jf^cn.ld  le  reckoned  for  one  year 
at  the  univerfity  of  Tunn.  And  no  man  could  prac^ 
fife  law  or  medicine  within  the  k:ngs  dominions ,  until 
he  had  taken  his  degrees  at  Turin* 


PEOPLE    OK    PIEDMONT. 

The  Gondri-jn  of  thefe  people  was  perhaps  no 
wurfe  than  yours.  You  have  in  your  country 
more  wealth  than  they,  but  you  have  infinitely 
more  of  real  indigence.  You  were  both  taxed  as 
high  as  you  could  bear*  ;  and  your  taxes  were  im- 
pofecl  in  the  mod  arbitrary  manner.  The  king 
could  augment  or  vary  them  any  day  at  his  plea- 
fure.  The  Savoyard  was  poor,  but  he  was  not 
miferable  ^  he  was  not  infulted  by  the  difplay  of 
luxury  pafling  before  his  eyes,  though  he  was 

*  The  pspulation  of  the  principality  of  Piedmont 
is  reckoned  at  four  millions.  The  amount  of  the 
public  revenue  arifing  from  that  principality  is  only 
9.2  mi  HIGH  livres  of  Piedmont ,  equal  to  j£i,  100,000 
ft er ling,  forming  an  average  of  5^.  6d.  a  head-  This 
£S  exclujlve  of  dimes  and  other  Jtcltfiaflical  faxes, 
which  anjwer  to  the  tithes  and  poor-rates  in  Eng 
land.  The  public  taxes  in  England,  cxdijive  of 
the fe,  form  an  average  of  about  55^.  a  head.  Yet  the 
people  of  Piedmont  are,  if  pojjibie,  more  diftreffed  with 
faxes  than  the  people  of  England  \  although  their  foil 
h  naturally  more  fertile,  and  their  country  more 
abundant  in  materials  for manufactures.  T  heir  Jit  u- 
tttion  indeed  is' not  fo  favourable  for  commerce,  but  it 
is  not  unfavourable.  By  this  comparifon  we  may 
judge  of  the  cruel y  uncreating  influence  &f  a  govern- 
ineni  which  can  fo  completely  dcftrzy  the  native  energy 
of  man. 

'The  Dutchy' of  Savoy  >  whofe  population  7^424,000 
ujed  to  pay  annually  into  the  trcafury  at  Turin  about 
three  million  livres  of  Piedmont y  equal  to  ^150,600 
ficrling.  This  ivas  the  utmoft  that  the  hand  of  dejpo- 
tifm  could  collect  from  a  people  whom  it  deprived  of 
the  means  of  improving  the  advantages  tulxcb  nature 
had  given  them. 


224  LETTER    TO    THE 


fenfible  that  he  fupported  a  fet  of  infamous  court 
iers  beyond  the  mountains,  who  riot  on  the  la 
bours  of  mankind. 

The  efFecl:  of  tyranny  has  ufually  been  to  vitiate 
the  morals  of  fociety,  and  deftroy  that  energy  of 
rnjnd  which  is  natural  to  man  in  a  ftate  of  free 
dom.  The  people  of  Savoy  exhibit  a  remarkable 
exception  to  this  rule.  They  retain  a  fingular  pu 
rity  of  morals,  and  a  firmnefs  of  character,  which 
the  weight  of  a  long  and  complicated  tyranny  has 
not  been  able  to  debafe.  They  have  long  witnefT- 
ed  the  vices  and  indured  the  injuftice  of  their  maf- 
ters,  without  learning  to  be  vicious  or  unjuft. — 
They  have  felt  the  inconvenience  of  that  unnatural 
combination  of  things  which  cut  them  off  from  the 
country  to  which  they  really  belonged;  and  bound 
them  ro  a  diftant  lord.  But  almighty  liberty  has 
at  laft  diiTolved  the  chain,  and  reftored  them  to  na 
ture  and  to  France. 

The  moral  character  of  this  people,  which 
renders  them  fo  worthy  of  our  efteem,  has  like- 
wife  fitted  them  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  liberty 
to  which  they  have  been  fo  firddenly  born.  No 
people,  rifine;  at  once  from  flavery  to  a  ilate  of 
equality  and  independence,  ever  conducted  them- 
felves  with  fo  much  dignity  and  moderation. — - 
They  rofe,  like  true  infant  Hercules,  to  the  vigour 
of  manhood  in  a  fmgle  day.  They  fhowed  them- 
felves  matters  of  the  whole  fyftem  of  government, 
the  moment  they  became  mafters  of  themfelves. 
They  have  committed  no  blunders  ;  they  have  ra 
ker)  no  retrograde  fteps  ;  they  have  loft  no  time 
in  idle  dlfputes,  and  ufelefs  etiquette.  Their 
National  Convention,  which  --was  the  firft  repre- 
fentative  body  that  ever  was  heard  of  in  the  coun 
try,  and  confided  of  fix  huricterd  and  fifty  mem- 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT. 

organifed  itfelf  and  finifhed  its  fefiions  in 
nine  days  ;  during  which  time  it  did  more  bufmefs 
than  any  body  of  men  under  like  circumftances 
could  be  expected  to  perform  in  fo  many  months* 
But  there  is  one  fa£t  more  remarkable  than  all  the 
reft,  a  fact  which  hiftory  will  announce  to  the  ad 
miration  of  the  lateft  ages  :  the  revolution  in  Savoy 
lias  not  yet  cod  a  fingle  drop  of  blood.  It  has 
been  attended  with  no  acts  of  violence,  no  tumult 
uous  meetings,  no  ncceffity  for  the  intervention  of 
military  force.  The  force  of  reafon  has  conduct 
ed  the  whole  operation  ;  and  the  facred  energy  of 
liberty  has  proved  itfelf  to  be  the  fource  and  gua 
rantee  of  the  moral  attributes  of  man. 

Such  is  the  condition  of  this  refpeftable  people  ; 
and  fuch  is  the  point  of  view  in  which  you  are  to 
eonlider  the  late  meafures  they  have  taken  to  re 
claim  and  fecure  their  rights.  From  this  confider- 
ation  you  will  naturally  turn  your  attention  to 
yourfelves,  and  contemplate  the  duties  you  are 
called  upon  to  perform.  For  the  time  is  faft  ap 
proaching  when  you  can  no  longer  be  the  idle 
fpeclators  of  the  triumphs  of  liberty.  Although 
the  revolution  in  Savoy  is  hitherto  free  from  the 
violence  of  war,  it  depends  on  you  to  fay  whether 
it  fhall  coutinue  fo  to  the  end  of  another  year.  It 
is  in  your  power  at  this  moment  to  declare  that  the 
Alps  fhall  never  more  re-echo  the  found  of  a  can 
non,  nor  their  majeftic  ftreams  be  ftained  with 
human  blood.  Your  deftiny  calls  you  either  to 
pronounce  the  fentence  of  mifery  and  flaughter 
upon  thoufands  of  yourfelves  and  of  your  neigh 
bours  who  will  follow  your  example,  or  to  declare 
the  immediate  emancipation,  peace  and  happinefs 
of  all  the  ftales  of  Iialy. 


225  LEfTER    TO    THfi 


This   is  doubtlefs  a  ferious  commiffion,  as  it 
renders  you  refponiiblc  for  the  fate  of  fo  coniider- 
able  a  portion  of  your  fellow-creatures.     But  ob- 
ferve  the  limits  as  well  as  the  extent  of  your  power. 
Though  yon  hold  the  balance  of  great  benefits  and 
of  great  difailcrs;   which    the   prefent  ftate  of  af 
fairs  is  ready  to  offer  to  your  country  ;  though  you 
are  able  by   the  afliftance  of  France  to  rife  as  one 
man  and  reclaim  your  own   fovereignty,  eftablifh 
your  own  liberty  and  provide  for  the  future  tran- 
quility  of  this  part  of  Europe  ;   though  by  a  con 
trary   conduct:    you  may   fight  the  battles  of  your 
tyrant  againfl  the  friends  of   your  peace  j  yet  re 
member,  you  cannot  long  impede  the  progrefs  of 
liberty.     Her  caufe  is  that  of  reafon  and  of  God  ; 
ihe  will  not  liden  to  any  capitulation  with  defpot- 
ifm  ;  the  mender  muft  be  driven  beyond  the  Adri 
atic,  and  baniihcd  from  the  face  of  the  earth,   Italy 
muft  be   free  ;    fhs  cannot  wear  her  chains  much 
longer  ;  it  would  be  glorious  for  you  to  be  the  firfl 
in  this  regeneration  of  fociety  in  that  ancient  gar 
den  of  the  world.      Such   a  meafure  would  be  an 
example  of  virtue  to  your  chiidren^  a  confolation 
to  the  rliades  of  your  anceftors,  who  for  a  long  fuc- 
ceffion  of  ages  have   patted  away  irt  the  clouds  of 
prejudice,  without  knowing  the  means  of  happi- 
nefs,  or  perceiving  the  dignity  of  man. 

Your  king  has  joined  the  coalition  of  defpots 
againfl:  the  people  of  all  nations.  Their  arms  are 
directed  againfl  France  ;  but  their  hoftility  is  really 
againft  their  own  fubjecis.  What  caufe  of  quarrel 
had  the  king  of  Hungary,  or  the  eie&or  of  Bran- 
denburgh  with  the  people  ef  France  ?  None. 
Their  jealoufy  was  againil  the  people  of  Hungary, 
of  Auftria,  b'f  Brabant,  .and  of  Brandenburgh. 
They  faw  that  thefc  nations  were  about  to  reclaim 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT.  2.T-' 

ibe  rights  of  man  and  to  cad  off  the  yoke  of  op- 
preflion,  as  the  French  had  dene.  They,  there- 
tore,  to  retain  their  unjffft  power  at  home,  con 
cluded  that  it  was  beft  to  ftrike  the  revelution  at 
its  root,  and  conquer  Germany  in  France.  They 
knew,  if  they  could  fubdue  the  French,  and  com 
pletely  vanquim  the  fpirlt  of  liberty  in  that  coun 
try,  that  all  tlie  pecple  of  Europe  would  fhrink 
beneath  their  chains,  and  their  mailers  might  pro 
bably  ijeep  upop  their  thrones  for  another  half 
Century. 

Such  was  the  policy  of  your  mailer.     You  can 
not  fuppofe  that,  as  king  of   Jenifalcm  or  prince 
of  Piedmont,  he  had  any  ground  or  colour  of  dif- 
pute  with  the  French    nation.      That  nation    had 
no  concern   \vith  him,  nor  wiih   any  part  of  his 
dominions.     They   were  occupied  in  their   own 
affairs,  at  peace   with  all  the  world,  and  declared 
that  -.hey  meant  to  remain  fo.    He  entered  into  the 
war  with  them  for  no  other  purpofe  but  to  keep 
you  in  fubjeftion.     The  war  was  agsinft  you,  and 
is  ftill  to  be  carried  on  againft  you  the  next  cam 
paign.   He  intends  to  make  yon  his  foldiers  to  fight 
his   own   battles    againft  yourfelves,    although  he 
orders  you  to  point  your  cannon  againft  the  French. 
This  is  the  true  ftate  of  the  cafe.     The  whole 
of  this  war  on  the  part  of  your  monarch  is  main 
tained  by  deceiving  you.   Indeed  the  whole  bufmefs 
of  monarchy   is  deception  ;  kings   nu:ft  govern  by 
deception,  as  long  as  they  govern  at  all  ;  for  it  is 
impoflible  fjr  one  man  to  tyrannize  over  a  whole 
people,  but   by  deceiving  them.     I  have   no  par 
ticular  diflike  to  your  king,  any  more  than  to  all 
others  ;  he  is  probably  no  worfe  than  kings  in  ge 
neral.    They  hold  an  office  that  is  perfectly  ufelefs 
in  fociety,  and  exceedingly  deftrudhve  to  the  peace 


228  LETTER    TO    THE 

and  happinefs  of  mankind.  In  this  view  they 
ought  to  be  detefted  by  every  man,  and  rejefied 
by  every  nation. 

France  has  been  forced  into  the  field,  to  encoun 
ter  this  infamous  combination  of  robbers,  this  war  of 
all  crimes  againft  the  principles  of  all  virtue.  She 
has  undertaken  the  defence  of  human  nature.  She 
has  afiumed  a  new  kind  of  t  a  clique  unknown  to 
the  art  of  war,  and  irrefiftible  to  the  armies  of 
kings.  She  has  armed  herfelf  in  the  pane. ply  cf 
rcafon  ;  her  manifefto  is  ihe  rights  of  man,  her 
fword  the  pledge  of  peace.  In  this  fpecies  of 
warfare  we  need  not  be  aftonifhed  at  her  fuccef?. 
What  people  can  refill:  the  hand  that  comes  to 
break  their  chains  r  The  armies  of  liberty  are 
every  where  triumphant,  while  their  ftandards  are 
fcarcely  ftained  with  blood.  Vi&ory  completes  her 
work,  before  they  arrive  to  celebrate  the  conqr.eft  ; 
and  the  entrance  of  the  French  troops  into  the-  con 
quered  country  is  regarded  by  the  people  rather  as 
the  proceifion  of  a  civic  feafr,  than  as  the  dreaded 
violence  of  war.  Their  general,  inflead  of  punifh- 
ing  the  new  recovered  citizens  with  confilcation, 
imprifonrnent,  and  death,  meets  them  in  their  po 
pular  focieticF,  and  invites  them  to  form  their  pri 
mary  afiemblies.  The  forts  and  ganil'bns  which 
he  erects  to  fecure  his  ccnqudts,  are  printing 
preffes  and  reading  clubs. 

Such  is  the  war  in  which  the  illuftrious  monarch 
of  Turin  is  engaged,  'i  hefe  are  the  a^nies  he 
experts  you  to  encounter  in  the  field.  If  you  vviih 
to  know  in  what  manner  the  combat  ought  to  be 
conducted,  yen  may  learn  it  from  the  people  of 
Savoy,  whole  example  in  this  refpeft,  as  in  many 
others,  is  worthy  to  be  followed  by  every  nation. 
You  may  leara  k  like  wile  from  the  people  of 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT. 

Nice,  from  thofe  of  Hainault,  Flanders,  Brabant, 
Milines,  Antwerp,  Guelderiand,  Namur,  Liege, 
Spires,  and  Mayence  ;  all  provinces,  principalities, 
or  independent  dates,  conquered  to  liberty  within 
the  lait  three  months.  As  I  have  kept  no  com 
plete  regifter  of  thefe  conquefis,  perhaps  the  above 
Jilt  may  be  incomplete.  But  it  matters  not ;  if  it 
were  complete  for  to-day,  perhaps  it  would  not  be 
fo  for  to-morrow.  This  advice  is  intended  for 
the  inftru&ion  of  the  people  ;  if  your  king  fhoulcl 
deem  it  inconfiftent  with  his  warlike  character  to 
follow  the  fame  advice,  he  can  take  a  leilbn  from 
the  battle  of  Gemmappe. 

The  French  army  cleftined  for  your  deliverance 
will  probably  not  pafs  the  Alps  till  the  fpri"g. 
You  have  the  remainder  of  the  winter  to  deliber 
ate  on  the  part  you  have  to  act.  You  can  by  that 
time  decide  whether  you  will  receive  them  as  ene 
mies  or  a •>  friends.  In  the  latter  cafe,  you  have  on 
ly  to  ftudy  the  principles  of  a  republican  govern 
ment,  fend  away  yc  ur  tyrants,  and  prepare  your- 
felves  to  give  lefibns  of  liberty  to  all  the  Italian 
ilates.  The  troops  of  Auftrb,  which  are  now 
about  to  ente-r  your  territories  from  Milan  and 
Tufcany,  under  pretence  of  aiding  you  agairin: 
the  French,  will  flee  before  them,  as  they  have 
done  in  the  Low  Countries,  the  moment  you 
rmnifeft  your  intention  of  doing  your  own  bufi- 
nefs  in  a  peaceable  way. 

But,  after  a  due  confuleration  of  the  circum- 
ftances  which  I  have  endeavoured  to  detail,  fhould 
you  conclude  to  regard  the  French  people  as  your 
enemies,  and  to  meet  their  armies  in  the  field,  I 
ihall  tremble  for  the  confequences  of  your  unfor 
tunate  decifion.  Thoufands  among  you  mull 
fall  the  victims  of  the  infamous  caufe  of  your  ty- 
U 


2?O  LF/rTIT.K    TO    THE 

r>nf-,  which  cannot  be  fupporfed.  On  that  dny, 
I  beg  you  would  call  to  mind  the  honeit  advice  of 
a  (tranger,  who  now  fpcaks  to  you  the  words  oi 
truth  ;  who 'has  been  a  fttady  obferver  of  the  rife 
and  progrefs  of  liberty  in  America  and  in  France  ; 
and,  who,  from  thefe  advantages  is  able  to  efti- 
mate  the  force  of  its  principles,  and  predict,  the 
triumph  of  its  arm?. 

I  aclvife  you  above    all  things   to  be  cautious   of 
the  troops  in  the  pay  of  Awftria,  who  arc  march 
ing  to  join  your  army.     You  cannot  be  fo  blind 
ed    by    your  leaders  as  to  fuppofe  that  this  band  of 
ruffians  is  brought  into  your  country  to  render  fer- 
vice  to  you.     They   are   deflgntd  to  keep  you.  in 
fubjecVion,  and  to  take  f;orn   you  the  freedom  of 
your  choice  in    the  great  queftion,  Whether  you 
will   adopt    the   principles  of  the  French   revolu 
tion  ?   They    will  be   polled   in  your    rear,  to  acl; 
a^ainft  you,  if  you  fhould  refufe  to  acl  againft  the 
French.     Your  pofnion   may  feem  a  critical  one, 
placed   in    the   interval   between    two  contending 
powers  ;  but,    remember  that  one  is   an  army  of 
freemen,  the   othsr  a  horde  of  (laves  ;  on  one  fide 
is  the  permanent  force   of  a  nation,  whofe  means 
are  inexhauftible,  on  the  other  the  accidental  hire 
lings  of  a  defpot  whofe    fceptre  is  falling  from  his 
hands  ;   fipTi  one  you   have  the  offer  of  equal  lib 
erty  and  perpetual  peace,   from  the   other  a  conti 
nuance  of  your  flaverv,  an  augmentation  of  your 
burthens,  and  certainty  of  future  wars. 

Italy  is  deftined  to  form  one  great  republic. 
The  boundaries  which  nature  has  given  it  are  pe 
culiarly  fuited  to  this  purpofe  ;  and  as  long  as  we 
follow  nature,  in  politics  as  well' as  morals,  we 
^re  fureto  be  in  the  right.  Politicians,  who  have 
pot  well  confidered  the  effe&s  of  liberty,  arc  alarm- 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT.  £3* 

ed  at  the  extenfion  of  the  French  republic,  fear 
ing  it  will  become  too  powerful  for  its  neighbours. 
For  this  reafon  the  union  of  Savoy  is  mentioned  as 
a  fubje6t  of  jealoufy  to  other  nations.  The  ene 
mies  of  your  liberty  will  not  fail  to  make  ufe  of 
this  to  excite  your  fears  and  provoke  your  refent- 
ment.  Men  who  reafon  in  this  manner  have 
formed  their  maxims  on  thofe  defpotic  fyfterns  of 
government  to  which  they  have  been  accuftomed. 
They  are  maxims  which  can  no  longer  apply  to 
nations,  when  mafters  of  their  own  adions,  and 
at  liberty  to  govern  themfelves  by  the  colle&ed 
wifdom  of  the  great  body  of  the  people.  A  nation 
in  this  condition  will  never  difturb  the  peace  of  its 
neighbours  in  any  manner  whatever.  Its  inter- 
eft,  on  the  contrary,  will  be  to  promote  the  peace 
and  profperity  of  every  country  in  the  world. 

When  a  nation  is  governed  by  one  man,  like 
Piedmont,  or  by  a  few  families,  like  the  ancient 
ariftpcracy  of  Rome,  and  ieveral  modern  ones  in 
Italy,  the  intereft  of  thofe  who  govern,  is  to  ex 
tend  their  dominions  ;  becaufe  it  augments  their 
perfonal  revenue. and  adds,  to  the  weight  of  their 
influence  over  the  people,  whom  they  confider  as 
their  property. — For  this  reafon  they  make  war  ; 
loi  this  reafon  they  form  treaties  of  alliance  to 
guarantee  each  other  in  their  conquefts,  and  in 
the  property  which  they  have  in  the  people. — In 
pursuance  of-  this  policy,  the  prince  of  Piedmont, 
in  the  courfe  of  that  long  Spaniili  war  which  I 
have  mentioned,,  purchafed  with  the  blood  and 
treafure  of  your  nation,  the  title  of  king  of  Sardi 
nia  ;  and  at  the  clofc  of  the  war,  he  obtained  from 
the  houfes  of  Auftria  and  Bourbon,  and  from  the 
king  of  England,  a  guarantee  of  the  pofTeflion. 


232  LETTER    TO    THE 

It  is  eafy  to  conceive  that  a  fyftem  of  robbery 
and  murder  of  this  kind,  carried  on  through  ail 
Europe  for  centuries  together,  mult  be  reduced  to 
fome  certain  rules.  Thefe  rules  by  a  mifapplica- 
tion  of  terms,  are  called  the  law  of  nations  *  It  is 
rather  the  law  of  defpots,  who  know  no  law  but 
their  own  fears.  It  has  likewife  been  necellary  to 
eftablifh  fome  general  ideas  of  what  is  called  the 
balance  of  power  among  the  fiates  of  Europe,  re 
quiring  that  each  ftate  fhould  be  retrained  to  cer 
tain  fixed  limits.  On  this  principle,  when  any 
particalar  power  endeavours  to  extend  it's  limits, 
it  is  natural  to  tax  that  power  with  ambitious 
views,  and  to  regard  it  as  an  object  of  jealoufy.  , 
This  reafoning  is  perfectly  juft  when  applied  to 
regal  and  ariiiocratical  dominions  ;  but  under  the 
reign  of  liberty  the  argument  has  loft  its  ground  ; 
dominion  itfelf  is  at  an  end  ;  and  all  the  technical 
terms  in  the  fcience  of  "politics  have  changed  their 
meaning  ;  and  as  \ve  muit  begin  the  fcience  anew, 
it  is  to  be  regretted  that  we  are  not  furnifhed  with 
new  words,  to  exprefs  our  ideas  with  more  preci- 
fion  than  we  can  with  the  old. 

If  all  the  nations  of  Europe  were  as  free  as  the 
French,  and  every  individual  member  of  fociety 
v/ere  equally  independent  of  every  other  individual, 
the  queftion  refolding  the  boundaries  of  any  par- 
cicular  government  would  become  in  a  great  mea- 
fure  indifferent,  both  to  the  people  of  that  govern 
ment  and  to  all  their  neighbours.  No  perfon  would 

*  lfre  may  hope  fosn  to  fee  the  law  of  nations  eflal- 
lijhed  on  different  principles  ;  that  is,  on  principles 
as  different  from  what  It  has  been,  as  the  inter  eft  of 
nations  is  different  from  that  of  thofe  perform  ivho 
have  nfually  governed  them. 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT.  2?^ 

^/^ 

liave  any  intereft  in  extending  or  contra&ing  ihe 
territorial  limits  of  a  (tate.  They  would  be  efta- 
blifhed  purely  on  the  principle  of  convenience  for 
the  adminiftration  of  the  inteiior  concerns  of  fhe 
people,  and  by  the  free  confent  of  all  parties.  And 
whenever  it  (hould  be  found  more  confenient  to 
change  them,  they  might  be  extended  or  contracted 
on  the  fame  principle,  without  injury  to  any  per- 
ion,  and  without  exciting  the  jealoufy  of  any 
nation. 

I  could  cite  you  many  inftances  from  the  United 
States  of  America,  in  which  this  theory  has  beta 
carried  into  praclice  ;  which  would  prove  to  you 
that  the  doctrine  I  here  advance,  as  one  of  the 
effects  of  liberty,  is  not-chimerical.  But  an  inftance 
more  finking  to  you,  and  which  will  iorm  an 
epoch  in  the  hiftory  of  Europe,  is  the  conduct  of 
ihc  national  convention  of  France  on  the  propofi!i- 
on  of  Savoy  to  be  united  to  that  republ  c.  Here  we 
fee  a  fovereign  people,  uninfluenced  by  any  fears, 
hopes,  or  connections  from  abroad,  deliberating  in 
the  moft  folemn  manner,  whether  they  will  exte  id 
i  heir  territorial  boundaries,  by  the  ad  million  of 
feven  new  provinces,  inhabited  by  four  hundred 
thoufand  freemen  who  had  fent  their  deputies  to 
foiicit  an  union.*  To  raife  a  queftion  on  a  pro- 
pofition  of  this  kind  is  certainly  a  new  thing  in 
politics.  Louis  XIV.  would  have  carried  on  a 
war  for  half  a  century,  nnd  facrificed  twice  that 
number  of  his  own  fubjects,  to  have  made  fuch 

*  The  feven  provinces  which  formed  the  Dutchy 
ff  Savoy,  now  united  to  France,  under  the  name  of 
the  department  of  M-^nt  Blanc,  wtre  Savoy  proper, 
GenevoiSy  C>rr$i4ge,  Cbabhisy  Fauc}:ignyy  'I  arcntuijt, 
c^'l  Maurienne. 

U     2 


234  LETTER    TO    THE 


an  acquifition  to  his  dominions,  But  the  members 
of  the  convention  who  deliberated  on  this  queftion 
had  no  perfonal  intereft  to  ferve,  no  ambition  to 
gratify.  It  was  merely  a  queftion  of  national  con 
venience,  whether  the  frontiers  of  the  republic 
fhould  remain  fixed  on  the  limits  of  IJatiphiny  and 
Lyonnois,  or  be  extended  to  the  Alps  which  ap 
pear  to  be  the  natural  boundary  of  France. 

Xhe  latter  opinion  prevailed  ;  but  it  was  rather 
oa  account  of  the  prefent  circumftances  of  Italy 
than  of  France.  I  tidy  is  (till  governed  by  defpots  ; 
and  it  is  to  be  ex  peeled,  that  as  long  as  they  re 
main  in  power,  they  will  continue  the  war  they 
have  undertaken  againft  the  French.  To  prevent 
their  incurfions,  it  was  necefiary  to  oppofe  them 
the  barrier  of  the  Alps.  -  But  if  Italy  were  as 
free  as  France,  all  caufes  of  hofliliiy  between 
them  would  be  for  ever  removed.  It  would  be 
feared y  poflible  in  the  courfe  of  human  events, 
that  they  would  ever  more  have  any  ground  of  con 
tention.  In  that  cafe  it  would  be  perfectly  indif 
ferent,  as  to  perfonal  intereit,  both  to  the  French 
and  the  Savoyards,  whether  they  mould  form  one 
people,  or  two,  or  ten. — And  whatever  refolution 
they  fhould  take,  as  mod  convenient  tothemfelves, 
would  never  excite  your  jealoufy  or  refentment. 

No  people  has  more  to  gain  by  this  pacific  fyf- 
tern  than  thofe  of  Piedmont.  You  inhabit  a  fertile 
country,  productive  of  ail  the  moft  neceffary  arti 
cles  of  life  }  feveral  of  which  are  in  great  demand 
among  your  neighbours.  All  that  is  wanting  to 
render  you  happy  is  to  be  matters  of  the  fruits  of 
your  own  labours  at  home,  to  be  fecured  againft 
war,  and  to  have  a  free  circulation  of  the  objects 
of  commerce. 


PEOPLE    OF    PIEDMONT.        ^     235 

Thefe  three  things  are  now  within  your  reach  ; 
they  would  follow  as  a  neceffary  ccnfequence  of 
adopting  the  principles  of  the  French  revolution, 
and  edabl idling  the  liberties  of  Italy. 

With  the  mod  ardent  w  idles  to  render  you 
fervice,  in  the  prefent  folemn  crifis  of  your  affairs, 
I  have  written  you  this  letter.  If  it  fhould  anfvvcr 
no  other  purpofe,  it  will  at  lead  ferve  as  a  tedi- 
mony  to  my  conference,  that  I  have  endeavoured 
to  do  my  duty,  and  to  merit  the  title  which  I  claim, 
that  of  your  fincere  and  difmtereded  friend* 


JOEL  BARLOW. 


THE 

C    O    N    S    P    I    RACY 

O    F 

KINGS; 

A       POEM: 

Addreffed  to   the   Inhabitants   of  Europe,    from 
another   quarter    of   the    world. 


(<  But  they,  in  (both,  trmft  reafon.    Curfes  light 
"  On  the  proud  talent  !    'twill  at  la  ft  undo  us. 
"  When  men  are  gorged  with  each  abfurdity 
"  Their  fubtil  wits  can  frame,  or  we  adopt, 
"  For  every  novelty  they'll  fly  to  fenfe, 
"  And  we  mud  fall  before  the  idol,  Fafhion.'' 


PREFACE. 

T 

I  HE  following  little  poem  was  published  in 
London,  in  February  1792.  It  happened  that  two 
of  the  principal  confpirators,  the  emperor  Leopold, 
and  the  king  of  Sweden,  died  in  a  few  weeks  after. 
The  oppofite  effects,  produced  by  the  death  of  thefe 
two  perfons,  are  very  remarkable.  From  a  view 
of  the  general  character  of  the  king  of  Sweden, 
and  of  the  particular  tranfa&ions  of  the  laft  year 
of  his  life,  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  he  was  de- 


238  PREFACE. 

termined  to  go  any  lengths  with  the  powers  which 
were  then  confederating  againft  the  liberty  of 
France  ;  and  it  is  a  confolation  to  human  nature, 
that  the  violent  death  of  our  fceptred  mad-man  has 
faved  the  people  of  Sweden  from  thofe  horrid 
fcenes  of  ilaughter  which  now  involve  mofl:  of  the 
neighbouring  nations. 

The  chara&er,ef  Leopolvi,  in  fome  of  its  lead 
ing  traits,  was  dire£ily  the  reverfe  of  that  of  Guf- 
lavus.-  The  latter  was  prodigal  of  wealth,  and 
executively  eager  for  what  is  called  military  fame, 
without  the  capacity  or  the  means  of  acquiring  it  ; 
the  former  was  affedlcdly  pacific,  moderate  in  mod 
of  his  vices,  ajd  remaikable  for  nothing  but  bis 
avarice.  lie  had  ienie  enough  to  fee  that  nothing 
was  to  be  gained  by  a  war  with  France  ;  his  ava 
rice,  had  he  lived,  would  have  been  a  fufficient 
guarantee  againft  that  event  :  and  his  death  may  be 
confldered  as  the  immediate  caufe  of  the  war. 

The  treaty  of  Pilnitz  was  doubtlefs  fabricated 
*in  the  court  of  P*iris.  The  emperor  agreed  to  it, 
fu>r  theipurpofe  of  duping,  the  king  of  Prulfia  into 
nieafures  which  might  fccure  the  obedience  of  the 
people  of  Brabant,  whom  lie  had  pacified  the  year 
-  before  by  a  cruel  deception.  His  defign  was  1  ike- 
wife  to  deceive  the  emigrant  princes,  who  were 
then  deceiving  him  ;  and  to  exhibit  fuch  a  menac 
ing  appearance,  as,  according  to  his  calculation, 
Would  induce  the  French  people  to  fet  down  qui 
etly  under  a  limited  monarchy  ;  well  knowing 
that,  if  they  did  this,  their  government  would  foon 
degenerate  into  a  defpotifm,  which  would  conti 
nue  to  give  countenance  to  the  general  principle 
that  had  fo  long  enfbved  the  nations  ot  Europe.- 

That  he  never  intended,  or  had  relinquished 
the  intention,  of  executing  the  condiiions  of  the 


PREFACE.  239 


;   : i  v  of  Pilniiz  by  seeing  to  war  with  France,  is 
.evident    from    the   following   conficierations  :    the 
French  constitution  was  ra'ified,  and  the  revolution 
fup poled  to   be  finifhed,   in  September  1791.     A 
war,  "to  overturn  that  conflitution,  certainly  ou^ht 
not    to    have    been   deferred    beyond    the    infuirscr 
fpring  ;   and   as  it  would  require  an  army  of  two 
or  three  hundred  the  ufnd    men,  the  winter  mutt 
have  been  occupied  -in    making  the  preparation?. 
Leopold  died  fuddenly,  about    the  fir  ft  of  March, 
At  that  time   no   preparations  had  been  made  for 
cffenfive  hoflilhies.     The  number  of  troops  fent  s 
from  Auftria  into  the  Low  Countries,  during  the 
autumn  and  winter,  was  not  more  than  was  ftipu- 
lated  to  be   maintained  there,  and   were  fcsrcely 
lullicient  to  enforce  the  defpotifm  to  which  he  bad 
deflinecl  that  unhappy  people.     Before  the  death  of 
.Leopold,  the  French  emigrants  at  CobU  irz  began 
to  defpair.    The  hopes  they  had  built  on  the  treaty 
of  Pilnitz  had  nearly  vaniihed  ;  thp  princes  had  an 
army  of  for.ty  thoufand   gentleutfen  to  maintain  ; 
Louis  was  carrying  on  too  great  a'fyftem  of  cor 
ruption  at   borne,  to  be  able  to  fupply  them  with 
money  from  the  civil  lift  ;  they  had  exhaufled  their 
credit   in    all   ihe   merchantile   towns  in  Europe  ; 
and  Leopold,  considering  them  ii,  the  character  of 
-  beggar?,  began  to  treat  them  as  troublefome  guefts-; 
for  none  of  the  objects  of  their  demands  could  be 
flattering;  to  his  favourite  pailion.     At  laft,  to  theic 
great  fafisfacYion,  the  emperor  died  ;  and  his  fyf- 
tem  with  regard  to  France  was  either  never  under- 
ftood  by  his  own  rninifters,  or  it  was  laid  afide,  in 
compliance  with  the  predominant  paflions  of  his 
fon  ;  which,  happened  to  be    for  war,  expence, 
and  unqualified  defpotifm. 


540  PREFACE. 

This  young  man  began  his  career  by  a  folemn 
declaration  to  all  the  powers  of  Europe,  that  he 
fhould  follow  precifely  the  fyftem  of  his  father, 
with  refped  to  the  affairs  of  France.  This  de 
claration  might  be  underftood  to  mean  the  open 
and  avowed  fyftem,  prefcribed  by  the  tresty  of 
Pilaitz,  or  the  fecrct  and  unexplained  fyftem, 
•which  was  to  avoid  the  war.  It  was  univerfally 
under  flood,  as  it  was  dcoubtlefs  meant,  in  favour 
of  the  avowed  fyftem  ;  whole  objccl,  announced 
in  the  treaty,  was  "  to  fupftrt  ike  rights  if 
crowns." 

From  this  moment,  a  fpirit  of  hoftility  was 
provoked  by  the  court  of  Vienna,  and  encouraged 
by  the  French  ambailador  there,  who,  like  their 
other  ambafTadors  of  tkat  day,  was  betraying  the 
ration,  to  ferve  the  king  ;  till,  on  the  2oth  of 
April,  war  was  declared  by  the  National  Afleni- 
bly.  In  this  war  the  defpots  of  Europe  will  try 
their  (Irength,  and  will  probably  foi-n-  be  ex- 
haufied. 

JPtris,  July  12,    1793.  ^ 


T    H    E 

C   O    N    S   P    I    R    A    C   Y 

O    F 

K       I       N       G       S, 


.1  jTERNAL  Truth,  thy  trump  undaunted  lend, 
P,  ,>ple,  and  priefts,  and  courts,  and  king?,  attend  ;' 
While,  borne  on  weftern  gales  from  that  iarlhrre 
Where  Jnftice  reigns,  and  tyrants  tread  £o  more, 
ThT  untainted  voice  that  no  iiiirjiafion  awes, 
That  fe^is  no  frown,  and  leeks  no  blind  applaufe, 
Shall  tell  the  blifs  that  Freedom  fheds  abroad, 
The  rights  ot   Nature,  and  the  gitt  <;f  God. 

Thiiik  not,  ye  knaves,  whom  meanneiS  ilyles 

the  great, 

Drones  of  thn  church  and  harpie*  of  the  (la'te, — 
Ye,  whofe  curfl  fires,  for  blood  and  plunder  ianVd, 
Sultans,  or  kings,  or  czars,  or  emp'rors  nam'd, 
Taught  the  deluded  world  their  cLims  to  own, 
And  raife  the  crelted  reptiles  to  a  throne, — 
Y-  ,  who  pretend  to  your  duik  holt  was  given 
The  lamp  of  lite,  the  myllic  keys  of  heaven  ; 
WHofc  impivus  ans  with  magic  fpclls  began, 
When  fliades  of  ign'rance  veil'd  the  race  of  man  } 
\Vho  chans/r,  from  age  to  a^e,  the  fly  deceit, 
As  fcience  beams,  ana  virtue  learns  tht  cheat  ; 
T\  rants  of  double  power?,  the  fouls  that  blind, 
To  rob^  to  kourge,  and  brutalize  mankiiid,— - 


242  THE     CONSPIRACY 

Think  not  I  come  to  croak  with  omen'd  yell 
The  dire  damnations  of  yonr  future  hell, 
To  bend  a  bigot  or  reform  a  knave, 
By  op'ning  all  the  fcenes  beyond  the  grave. 
I  know  your  crufted  fouls  :   while  one  defies, 
In  fceptic  fcorn,  the  vengeance  of  the  fides, 
The  ether  boafts, — I  ken  thee,  power  divine, 
But  fear  thee  not  ;  th'  avenging  bolt  is  mine. 

No  !   'tis  the  .prefent  world  that  promps  the  fong5 
The  world  we  fee,  the  world  that  feels  the  wrong, 
The  world  of  men,  whofe  arguments  ye  know, 
Of  men,  long  curb'd  to  fervitude  and  woe, 
Men,  rcus'd  from  floth,  by  indignation  ftung, 
Their  flrong  hands  loos'd,  and  found  their  fearlefs 

tongue  ; 

Whofe  voice  of  thunder,  whofe  defcending  fteel, 
Shall  fpeak  to  fouls,  and  teach  dull  nerves  to  feel. 

Think  not  (ah  no!  the  weak  delufion  fhun, 
Burke  leads   you   wrong,    the   world    is   not   his 

own), 

Indulge  not  once  the  thought,  the  vap'ry  dream, 
The   fool's  repaft,    the    mad-man's    thread-bare 

theme, 

That  nations,   rifing  in  the  light  of  truth, 
Strong  with  new  life  and  pure  regenerate  youth, 
Will  (hrink  from  toils  fofplendidly  begun, 
Their  blifs  abandon  and  their  glory  fhun, 
Betray  the  truft  by  Heav'n's  own  hand  ccnfign'd, 
,  The  great  concentred  ftakc,  the  interefl  of  mankind. 
Ye  fpeak  of  kings   combin'd,  fome  league  that 

draws 

Europe's  whole  force,  to  fave  your  finking  caufe  ; 
Of  fancy 'd  hods  by  myriads  that  advance 
To  crufh  the  untry 'd  power  of  new-born  France, 
Mifguided  men  !  thefe  idle  tales  defpife  ; 
Let  one  bright  ray  of  reafon  ftrike  ycur  eyes  ; 


OF     KINGS.  243 

Show  me  your  kings,  the'  fceptred  horde  parade, — 
See  their  pomp  vani(h  !   fee  your  vifions  fade  ! 
Indignant  MAN  refumes  the  fhaft  he  gave, 
Difarms  the  tyrant  and  unbinds  the  flave, 
Difplays  the  unclad  fkeletons  of  kings,* 
Spe&res  of  power,  and  ferpents  without  (lings. 
And  ihall  mankind, — (hall  France,    whofe  giant 

might 

Rent  the  dark  veil,  anddragg'd  them  forth  to  light, 
Heed  now  their  threats  in  dying  anguifh  toft  ? 
And  (lie  who  fell'd  the  monfter^  fear  the  ghoft  ? 
Bid  young  Alcides,  in  his  grafp  who  takes, 
And  gripes  with  naked  hand  the  twifling  fnakes, 
Their  force  exhaufted,  bid  him  proftrate  fall, 
And  dread  their  ihadows  trembling  on  the  wall. 

But  grant  to  kings  and  courts  their  ancient  play, 
Recal  their  fplendour  and  revive  their  fway  ; 
Can  all  your  cant  and  all  you  cries  perfuade 
One  power  to  join  you  in  your  wild  crufade  ? 
In  vain  ye  fearch  to  earth's  remoteftend  ; 
No  court   can  aid   you,  and  no  king  defend. 

Not  the  mad  knave  who  Sweden's  fceptre  (role, 
Nor  ihe,  whofe  thunder  (hakes  the  northern  pole  ; 
Nor  Frederic's  widow'd  fword,  that  fcornsto  tell 
On  whofe  weak  brow  his  crown  reluctant  fell. 
Not  the  tri-fceptred  prince,  of  Auftriari  mould, 
The  ape  of  wifdom  and  the  (lave  of  gold, 
Therefa's  fan,  who,  with  a  feeble  grace, 
Juft  mimics  all  the  vices  of  his  race  ; 
For  him  no  charm  can  foreign  ilrife  afford, 
Too  mean  to  fpend  his  wealch,  too  wife  to  truft  his 
fword. 

*  Off  a   <vides  re  gum  v  a  cuts  exhaufta  medidtis. 

JUVENAL,  Sat.  8, 


244  TH£    CONSPIRACY 

Glunce  o'er  the  Pyrenees, — but  you'll  flifcfoin 
Tu  break   the   dream   that    foothes   the    monk  of 

Spain. 

He  counts  his  bead?,  and  fpends  his  holy  zeal 
To  raife  once  more  tlv  JuQuifitorial  wheel, 
Prepares  the  f  i^got  and  the  flame  renews, 
To  roail  the  French,  as  once  the  Moors  and  Jews  :, 
While  abler  hands  the  bufy  talk  divide, 
His  queen  to  dandle  and  his  tlate  to  guide. 

Yet  a  Ik  great  Pitt  to  join  your  defpVate  work, — • 
See  how  his  annual  aid  confounds  the  Turk  ! 
Like  a  vrar-elephant  his  bulk  he  (hows, 
And  treads  cjbv/n  friends,    when  frighten'd  by  his 
foes. 

Where  then,  forfaken  villains,  will  ye  turn  ? 
Of  France  the  outcaft  and  of  earth  the  fcorn  ; 
What  new- made  charm  can  difTipate  your  tears  ? 
Can   Burke's  mad  foam,   or   Calonne's  houfe  of 

peers  f  *    • 

Can  Artois'  fvvord,  that  erft  near  Calpe's  wall, 
Where  Criltan  fought  and  Elliott  was  to  fall, 
Burn'd  with  the  fire  of  fame,  but  harmlefs  burn'd, 
For  fheath'd  the  fwpjd  reaiain'd,  and  in  its  fheaih 
returned  !f 

*  M.  de  Cahnne,  at  an  rmmcnfe  labour,  and  by 
the  aid  of  bis  friends  in  England ,  has  framed  a  con- 
ftitutivn  for  France^  after  the  Enghjh  model  ;  the 
chief  ornament  of  which  is  that  "  Corinthian  capital 
tf  polifned focletyy'1  a  houje  of  peers.  It  is  f  aid  that, 
after  debates  and  altercations  ivkich  Lifted  fix  months, 
he  has  perfuacled  the  emigrant  princes  to  agree  to  it. 
It  only  remains  now  for  him  and  them  to  try  on  this 
new  livery  upon  the  French  nation. 

t  Among  the  disadvantages  attending  the  lives  of 
princes,  mujl  be  reckoned  thefmgular  difficulties  with 


OF     KINGS.  24.5 

Oh    Burke,   degenerate   Have  !  with    grief  and 

fhame 

The  Mufe  indignant  muft  repeat  thy  name. 
Strange  man,  declare, — fmce,  at  creation's  birth, 
From   crumbling   chaos  fprang  this   heav'n  and 
earth*  V  2 

whifb  they  have  to  ftruggle  in  acquiring  a  military 
reputation.  A  duke  of  Cumberland ',  In  order  to  be 
come  an  Alexander ',  had  to  ride  all  the  way  to  Cullo- 
den^  and  back  again  to  London.  Louis  the  four 
teenth  was  obliged  to  fubmit  to  the  fatigue  of  being 
carried  on  board  of  a  fplendid  barge,  and  rowed  acrofs 
the  Rhine,  about  the  fame  time  that  the.  French  army 
crijjed  it  ;  and  all  this  for  the  Jimple  privilege  of  be 
ing  placed  above  the  Macedonian  in  the  temple  of 
Fame,  and  of  caujing  this  achievement  to  be  celebrat 
ed,  as  more  glorious  than  the  paffing  of  the  Qranicus  : 
\  tys  may  be  feen  on  that  modcji  monument  In  the  Place 
Vendome  in  Paris. 

The  count  d'  Artois  has  purchafecl,  at  a  Jiill  dearer 
rate,  the  fame  of  being  Jlyied  "  le  digne  rejetun  dti 
grand  Henri,''  and  of  being  deftirted  to  command  all 
ihe  armies  of  Europe  in  re-eft abli flung  the  manure!. >y 
of  France.  This  champion  of  Chriftendom  fct  out  at 
the  age  of  twenty -five,  and  travelled  by  land  with  ^ 
princely  equipage,  from  Paris  to  Gibraltar  ;  where  he 
arrived  juft  In  time  to  fee,  at  a  convenient  diftance, 
Elliott's  famous  bonfire  of  the  floating  batteries.  He 
then  returned,  covered  with  glory,  by  the  way  of 
Madrid ',  and  arrived  at  l/r erf  allies^,  amid  ft  ihe  ca- 
rcjjes  rf  the  caurt  and  ihe  applaufes  of  all  Europe. 
3  he  accomplifliment  of  this  arduous  enlcrprife  has 
idcjcrv-edly  placed  him,  in  point  of  military  fame,  at 
the  head  of  all  thfp relent  branches  of  the 
bo  Life  of  Bourbon. 


246  THE    CONSPIRACY 


Since  wrecks  and  outcaft  relics  ft  ill  remain, 
Whirl'd  ceafelefs  round  confufion's  dreary  reign, 
Declare,   from  all    thefe  fragments,    whence  you 

ftote 

That  genius  wild,  that  monftrous  mafs  of  foul  ; 
Where  fpreads  the  \videft  wafte  of  all  extremes, 
Full  darknefs  frowns,  and  heav'n's  own  fplendour 

beams  ; 

Truth,  error,  falfehood,  rhetoric's  raging  tide, 
And  pomp  and  meannefs,  prejudice  and  pride, 
Strain  to  an  endlefs  clang  thy  voice  of  fire, 
Thy  thoughts  bewilder  and  thy  audience  tire/ 

Like  Phoebus'  fon,  we  fee  thee  wing  thy  way,. 
Snatch  the  loofe  reins,  and  mount  the  car  of  dayr 
To  earth  now  plunging  plough  thy  wafting  courie^ 
The  great  fublime  of    weaknefs  and  of  force. 
But  while  the  world's  keen  eye,   with   generous- 
glance, 

Thy  faults  could  pardon  and  thy  worth  enhance, 
\Vhen  foes  were  hufh'd,  when    juftice  dar'd  com 
mend, 

And  e'en  fond  freedom  claim'd  thee  as  a  friend, 
Why,  in  a  gulph  of  bafenefs,    fink  forlorn, 
And  change  pure  prai'fe  for  infamy  and  (corn  ? 

And  clklft  thou  hope,  by  thy  infuriate  quill 
To  roufe  mankind  the  blood  of  realms  to  fpill  ? 
Then  to  red  ore,  on  death  devoted  plains, 
Their  fcourge  to  tyrants,  and  to  man  his  chains  i 
To  fvvell  their  fouls  with  thy  own  bigot  rage,  ' 
And  blot  the  glories  of  fo  bright  an  age  ? 
Firft   ftretch  "thy  arm,     an  I,    with  lefs   impious 

might, 

Wipe  out  the  ftars,  and"  quench  the  folar  light  : 
"  For  beavn  and 'earth ,"  the  voice  of  God  ordains, 
"  Shall  fafs  and gerijb,  but  my  word  remains /' 


0F     K/XG'S,  247 

TV  eternal  WORD,  \vhich  gave,  in  fpite  of  thee, 
REASON  to  man,  that  bids  ihe  man  be  free. 
Thou  could'ft  not  hope  :   'twas  heav'n's  return 
ing  grace, 

In  kind  companion  to  our  injur'd  race, 
Which  ftripp'd  that   foul,  ere  it  fhould  flee  from 

hence. 

Of  the  laft  garb  of  decency  or  fenfe. 
Left  thee  its  own  foul  horrors  to  difplav, 
In  all  the  blacknefs  of  its  native  day, 
To  fink  at  lafr,  from  earte's  glad  furface  hurlM, 
The  fordid  fov'reign  of  the  letter 'd  world. 

In  fomc  fad  hour,  ere  death's  dim  terrors  fpread, 
Ere  feas  of  dark  oblivion  whelm  thy  head, 
Reflect,  loft  man, — If  thofe,  thy  kindred  knaves, 
O'er  the  broad  Rhine  whofe  flag  rebellious  waves, 
Once  draw  the  fword  ;    its    burning  point  fhal! 

bring 

To  thy  quick  nerves  a  never-ending  fling  ; 
The   blood  they   fhed    thy    weight  of    woe   fhaH 

fvvell, 
And  their  grim  ghofts  for  ever  with  the  dwell.* 

Learn  hence,  ye  tyrants,  ere  ye  learn  too  late, 
Of  all  your  craft  th'  inevitable  fate. 
The  hour  is  come,  the  worlds  incfofing  eyes 
Difcern  with  rapture  where  its  wifclom  lies  ; 
From  weftern  heav'ns  th'    inverted  orient  fprings, 
The  morn  of  man,  the  dreadful  night  of  kings. 
Dim,  like  the  day-ftruck  ov\l,  ye  grope  in  light, 
No  arm  for  combat,   no  refource  in  flight ; 
If  on  your  guards  your  lingering  hopes  repofe, 
Your  guards  are  men,  and  men  you've  made  your 
foes ; 

^  See   Note   at   tie   end, 


&J.  THE    CONSPIRACY 

If  to  your  rocky  ramparts  ye  repair, 
*  De  Launay's  fate  can  .tell  your  fortune  there. 
'JNo  turn,  no  fliift,  no  courtly  arts  avail, 
Each  tnaflc  is  broken,  all  illufions  fail  ; 
Driv'n  to  your  laft  retreat  of  fhame  and  fear, 
One  counfeL waits  you,  ene  relief  is  near: 
By  worth  internal,  rife  to  felf-wrought  fame, 
Your  equal  rank,  your  human  kindred  claim  ; 
'Tis  reafon's  choice,   'tis  wifdom's  final  plan, 
To  drop  the  monarch  and  afTume  the  man. 

Hail  MAN, 'exalted  title  !   firft-and  beft, 
On  God's  own  imagery  his  hand  impreft, 
To  which  at  laft  the  reas'ning  race  is  driven, 
Ane  feeks  anew  what  firft  it  gain'd  from  heaven. 
O  MAN,   niy  brother,  how  the  cordial  flame 
Of  all  endearments  kindles  at  the  Hime  ! 
Li  every  clime,    thy  vifage  greets  my  eyes, 
In  every  tongue  thy  kindred  accents  rife  ; 
The  thought  expanding  fwells  my  heart  with  glee, 
It  finds  a  friend,  and  loves  itfelf  in  thee. 

Say  then,  fraternal  family  divine, 
Whom  mutual  wants  and  mutual  aids  combine, 
Say  from  what  fource  the  dire  delufion  rofe, 
That  fouls  like  ours  were  ever  made  for  f.oes  ; 
Why  earth's  maternal  bofom,   where  we  tread, 
To  rear  our  man  (roils  and  receive  our  bread, 

*  De  Launny  was  the  laft  goiiernsr  of  the  Bajlile* 
tfis  well-known  cxii^ferving  as  a  warning  to  other s, 
faved  the  Jives  of  many  commanders  of  fortreffes  in 
different  parts  of  France ,  during  the  firji  ftages  oj 
the  rt'Vr'lu'flon.  It  may  probably  have  the  fame  jalu- 
tary  efft.fi  in  other  countries,  whenever  the  agents  of 
defpotijm  in  thofe  countries  find  the  people  are  deter 
mined  to  be  free* 


OF     KINGS.  249 

Should  blufh  fo  often  for  the  race  (he  bore, 
S-->  long  be  drench'd  with  floods  of  filial  gore  ; 
Why  to  (mall  realms  for  ever  reft  confin'd 
Our  great  affe&bns,   meant  for  all  mankind. 
Though  climes  divide  us  ;   mall  the  dream  or  fea^ 
That  forms  a  barrier  'twixt  my  friend  and  me, 
Infpire  the  wifh  his  peaceful  (tate  to  mar, 
And  me-et  his  falchion  in  the  ranks  of  \var  ? 

Not  feas,  nor  climes,  nor  wild  ambit  ion's  fire 
In  nations'  minds  could  e'er  the  wifli  infpire  ; 
Where  equal  rights  each  fober  voice  fhould  guide? 
No  blood  would  (lain  them,  and  no  war  divide. 
'Tis  dark  deception,   *tis  the  glare  of  ftate, 
Man  funk  in  titles,   loft  in  frnall  and  great  ; 
5Tis  rank,  diftinclion,  all  the  hell  that  fprings 
From  thofe  prolific  monfters,  courts  and  kings. 
Thefe  are  the  vampires  nurs'd  on  nature's  fpoils  ; 
For  thefe  with  pangs  the  ftarving  peafant  toils, 
For  thefe   the   earth's  broad  furface   teems    with 

grain, 

Theirs  the  dread  labours  of  the  devious  main  ; 
And  when  the  wafted  world  but  dares  refu/e 
The  gifts  oppreiTive  and  extorted  dues, 
They  bid  wild  flaughter  fpread  the  gory  plains, 
The  life-blood  gufhins  from  a  thoufand  veins, 
Ere6l  their  thrones  amid  the  funguine  flood, 
And  dip  their  purple  in  the  nation's  bloocl. 

The  gazing  crowd,  of  glittering  (late  afraH,. 
Adore  the  power  their  coward  meannefs  made  $ 
In  war's  iliort  intervals,  while  regat  ihows 
\Still  blind  their  reafoaand  infult  their  woes. 
What  ftrange  events  for  proud  proceilions  call  ! 
See  kingdoms  crowding  to  a  birth-night  ball ! 
See  the  long  pomp  in  gorgeous  glare  difplay'd, 
The  tinfel'd  guards,,  the  fquadron'd  horfe  parade  $ 


250  THE    CONSPIRACY 

See  heralds  gay,  with  emblems  on  their  veft, 
In  tiiTu'd  robes,  tall,   beauteous  pages  dreft  ; 
Amid  fuperior  ranks  of  fplendid  flaves, 
Lords,  dukes  and  princes,  titulary  knaves, 
Confus'dly  fhine  their  erodes,  gems  and  ftars, 
Sceptres  and  globes  and  crowns  and  fpoils  of  wars. 
On  gilded  orbs  fee  thundering  chariots  roll'd, 
Steeds,  fnorting  fire,   and  champing  bitts  of  gold, 
Prance  to  the  trumpet's  voice  j   while  each  affumes 
A  loftier  gait,  and  lifts  his  neck  of  plumes. 
High  on  a  moving  throne,  and  near  the  van, 
The  tyrant  rides,  the  chofen  fcourge  of  man  ; 
Clarions  and-flutes  and  drums  his  way  prepare, 
And  fronting  millions  rend  the  troubled  air  ; 
Millions,  whofe  ceafelefs  toils  the  pomp  fuftain, 
\Vhofe  hour  of  ftupid  joy  repays  an  age  of  pain. 
Of  thefe  no  more.     From   orders,    flaves   and 

kings,  x 

To  thee,  O  MAN,,  my  heart  rebounding  fprings, 
Behold  th5  afcencling  blifs  that  waits  thy  call, 
Heav'n's  own  bequeft,  the  heritage  of  all. 
Awake  to  wifdom,   feize  the  proffer'd  prize  ; 
From  fhade  to  light,  from  grief  to  glory  rife. 
Freedom  at  laft,  with  reafon  in  her  train, 
Extends  o'er  earth  her  everlafting  reign  ; 
See  Gallia's  f©ns,  fo  late  the  tyrant's  fport, 
Machines  in  war  and  fycophants  at  court, 
Start  into  men,  expand  their  well-taught  mind, 
Lords  of  themfelves  and  leaders  of  mankind. 
On  equal  rights  their  bafe  of  empire  lies, 
On  walls  of  wifdom  fee  the  ftru&ure  rife  ; 
Wide  o'er  the  gazing  world  it  towers  fublime, 
A  model  I'd  form  for  each  fur  rounding  clime. 
To  ufeful  toils  they  bend  their  nobleft  aim, 
Make  patriot  views  and  moral  views  the  fame, 


OF      KINGS, 


Renounce  the  wifh  of  war,  bid  conqueft  ceafe, 
Invite  all  men  to  happinefs  and  peace, 
Xo  faith  and  juftice  rear  the  youthful  race, 
With  ftrength  exalt  them  arid  with  fcience  grace, 
Till  truth's  bleft  banners,  o'er  the  regions  hurl'd, 
Shake  tyrants  from   their  thrones,  and  cheer  the 
waking  world. 

In  northern  climes,  where  feudal  fhades  of  late 
Chill 'd  every  heart  and  palfied  every  ftate, 
Behold,  illumin'd  by  th'  inftru6iive  age, 
That  great  phenomenon,  a  fceptred  fage. 
There  Staniflaus  unfurls  his  prudent  plan, 
Tears  the  ftrong  bandage  from  the  eyes  of  man, 
Points  the  progreflive  march,  and  (hapes  the  way, 
That  leads  a  realm  from  darknefs  into  day. 

And  deign,   for  once,  to  turn  a  trancient  eye 
To  that  wide  world  that  fkirts  the  weftern  fky  ; 
Hail  the  mild  morning,  where  the  dawn  began, 
The  full  fruition  of  the  hopes  of  man. 
Where  fage  experience  feals  the  facred  caufe  ; 
And  that  rare  union,  liberty  and  laws, 
Speaks  to  the  reas'ning  race  :  to  freedom  rife 
Like  them  be  equal,  and  like  them  be  wife. 


NOTE   ON    MR.    BURKE. 
[_R>ferr':ng  to  pxge  -247.] 

*  SOME  cf  tfie  ai.tbor's  friends  in  E-n^nd., 
Although  .hey  j-.?in  \virh  hrr  in  ccn.uring  the 
\v  Tilings  «  f  Mr.  Br.;ke  i.n  the  French  n.v  lution, 
are  or  opifii  n  t'va  die  picture  here  drawn  of  that 
•writer  '.s  too  highly  col  'ur  d  ;  rr  a'  lead,  'hat  'I'.e 
cenfnre  is  fo  fevere  as  to  lofe  the  cfted  hat  it  might 
rjfherwife  produce,  I;  i  im-pt  ifible  to  fa.y  what 
efFcS,  or  uhcther  any,  has  or  will  be  produced 
by  thi^.  poem  ;  but,  out  of  refpeft  to  the  opinion 
ab.)ve  iLted,  it  may  b^  pr<  per  to  m:  ke  fome  ob- 
fervaiions  on  the  fffoSi  that  has  already  followed 
from  the  \\ritins;  ot  Mr.  B1  rke.  I  fpeak  not  of 
vhat  has  taken  place  in  England  ;  where  it  is 
fuppoful  ih<j*,  contrary  to  his  in?en;ions  and  th(^fe 
of  the  govern  fntjpt  tlvat  fet  him  at  work,  his  mali 
cious  attack  upon  liberty  has  opened  a  difciiflion 
\\  hich  cannot  be  cl(  fed  until  the  u  hole  fyitem  of 
defpQtifm,  \vhi\h  he  meant  to  fin  port,  mall  be 
overturned  in  that  country.  The  prtfcnt  war 
ui  h  Fr..nce  is  d  ubtltfs  the  lad  piece  of  deluilon 
that  a  fet  «>t  hereditary  tyrants  will  ever  be  able  to 
jmpcfe  upon  the  people  of  EngLmd, 

But  this  Gjbjed  opens  a  held  of  contempla'ion 
far  more  ferio-i-  and  extcnfive  on  the  con  inent  c-f 
Europe;  where,  if  Mr.  Bihke  can  view  without 
horror  the  immuv'ltv  of  t*  e  mifclicfs  he  has  done, 
he  \\  ill  mow  himfclf  worthy  of  much  higher  at 
tributes  of  wi.krdncfs  than  have  yet  been  afciibed 
t  to  him.  It  is  a  painful  tail:  to  traverfe  fuch  a  wide 
fcene  of  flaughter  and  defoliation  as  now  invc-lves 
tiie  nations  of  Europe,  ?nd  then  to  h  v  it  all  to  the 
charge  of  a  fingle  individual  :  efpecially  when  we 
conlider  that  indivitltial  as  having,  ior  a  lon^  tim« 


NOTE    ON    MR.-  BURKE;  253 

before,  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  all  good  men, 
and  having  at  laft  betrayed  it  from  the  worft  and 
vileft  motives  ;  as  he  had  eftablifhed  his*  previous 
reputation  by  fpeaking  the  language  of  liberty, 
and  profeflmg  himfelf  to  be  the  friend  of  national 
felicity.  But  it  is  not  from  a  tranfitory  difguft 
at  •  his  deteftible  principles,  it  is  from  delibeiate 
obfervation  and  mature  conviction,  that  I  ftate  it 
as  an  hiftorical  fa6l:,  That  the  prefent  war,  with 
all  its  train  of  calamities,  muft  be  attributed  al- 
nioft  exclufively  to  the  pen  of  Mr.  Burke. 

There  is  a  peculiar  combination  of  circum- 
(tances  which  threw  this  power  into  his  hands, 
and  which  ought  to  be  duly  confidered,  before  we 
come  to  a  decifion  on  the  fiibjecl:.  The  people  of 
England  had  enjoyed  for  feveral  ages  a  much 
greater  portion  of  liberty  than  any  other  people  in 
Europe.  This  had  raifed  them  to  a  great  degree 
of  eminence  in  many  refpects.  At  the  fame  time 
that  it  rendered  them  powerful  as  a  nation,  it 
.made  them  fober,  induftrious,  and  per  fevering, 
as  individuals  ;  it  taught  them  to  think  and  fpeak 
with  a  certain  air  of  dignity,  independence,  and 
precifion,  which  was  unknown  in  other  coun 
tries.  This  circumftance  could  not  fail  to  gain 
the  admiration  of  foreigners,  and  to  excite  a  per 
petual  emulation  among  themMves.  England  has 
therefore  produced  more  than  her  proportion  of 
the  illuftrious  men  of  modern  times,  efpccially  in 
politics  and  legislation,  as  tliefe  affairs  came  with 
in  the  reach  of  a  larger  clafs  of  men  ia  that  coun 
try  than  in  any  other. 

In  a  nation   where  there  is  an  enormous  civil 

lilt  at    the   difpofal  ef  the  crown,  and  a  conlliru- 

tional  fpirit  of  liberty  kept  alive  in  the  people,  w-i 

•niu  ft  necefTurily  ex  peel  to  find  two  parties  in  ths 

X 


254  N'OTE    ON    MR.    BURKE. 

government.  In  fuch  a  cafe,  as  the  king  is  fure 
to  carry  all  the  meafures  that  he  dares  to  propofe, 
the  party  in  favour  of  the  people  are  called  the  op- 
pofitlon  ;  and  it  being  always  a  minority,  it  gives 
occafion  for  great  exertion  of  talents,  and  is  fup- 
pofed  to  be  the  nurfe  of  every  public  virtue.  Such 
has  been  the  compofition  of  the  Englifh  govern 
ment  ever  fince  the  laft:  revolution.  The  oppo- 
fition  has  been  the  fchool  of  great  men  ;  its  prin 
cipal  difciples  have  been  the  apoftles  of  liberty; 
and  their  exertions  have  made  the  Britim  name 
refpe&able  in  every  part  of  the  world.  Mr. 
Burke  had  been  for  many  years  at  the  head  of  this 
fchool  ;  and  from  the  brilliant  talents  he  difcover- 
ed  in  that  confpicuous  ftation,  he  rendered  himfelf 
univerfally  refpe&ed.  His  eloquence  was  of  that 
flowery  and  figurative  kind,  which  attracted  great 
admiration  in  foreign  countries  ;  where  it  was 
viewed,  for  the  mod  part,  through  the  medium  of 
a  tranflation  ;  fo  that  he  was  confidered,  at  lead  in 
every  country  out  of  England,  as  the  ableft  advo 
cate  of  liberty  that  then  exifted  in  Europe.  Even 
kings  and  tyrants,  who  hated  the  caufe,  cculd  not 
withhold  their  veneration  from  the  man. 

Under  thefe  impreflions,  their  attention  was 
called  to  the  great  event  of  the  French  revolution. 
It  was  a  fubjeft  which  they  did  riot  under ftand,  a 
bufmefs  in  which  they  had  no  intention  to  inter* 
fere  ;  as  it  was  evidently  no  concern  of  theirs. 
But  viewed  as  a  fpeculative  point,  it  is  as  natural 
for  kings  as  for  other  perfons  to  wait  till  they 
learn  what  great  men  have  faid,  before  they  form 
their  opinion.  Mr.  Burke  did  not  fuffer  them  to 
remain  long  in  fufpenfe  \  but,  to  enlighten  their 
underftandings  and  teach  them  how  to  judge,  he 
came  forward  with  his  "  Refifiions  on  the 


NOTE    ON    MR.    BURKE.  255 


tion  in  France  ;"  where,  in  his  quality  of  the  po 
litical  fchool-mafter  of  his  sge,  in  his  quality  of 
the  profefTed  enemy  of  tyrants,  the  friend  of  the 
people,  and  the  mod  enlightened  leader  of  the 
moft  enlightened  nation  in  Europe,  he  tells  ihem 
that  this  revolution  is  an  abominable  ufurpation  of 
a  gang  of  beggarly  tyrants ;  that  its  principle  is 
atheifm  and  anarchy  ;  that  its  instruments  are 
murders,  rapes,  and  plunders  \  that  its  object  is 
to  hunt  down  religion,  overturn  fociety,  and  de 
luge  the  world  in  blood.  Then,  in  the  whining 
cant  of  (late-piety,  and  in  the  cowardly  infolence 
of  perfonal  fafety,  he  calls  upon  the  principal 

foverei^ns  of  Europe  to  unite  in  a  general  conted- 

G  i  **•'**  •        r         • 

eratinn,   to   march    into    r ranee,   to    interfere    m 

the  affairs  of  an  independent  power,  to  make  war 
with  the  principles  which  he  himfeH  had  long  la 
boured  to  fupport,  to  (  verturn  the  nobleft  monu 
ment  of  human  wifdom,  and  blait  the  faireft 
hopes  of  public  happinefs  that  the  world  had  ever 
ften. 

Copies  of  his  book  were  fent  in  great  profudon 
by  the  courts  of  London  and  Paris  to  the  other 
courts  of  Europe  ;  it  was  read  by  all  men  of  let 
ters,  and  by  all  men  of  ftate,  with  an  avidity  in- 
fpired  by  the  celebrity  of  the  author  and  the  mag 
nitude  of  the  fubjecl:  ;  and  it  produced  an  effect 
which,,  in  other  circumftancec,  would  have  ap 
peared  almofl  miraculous  ;  efpecially  when  we 
conflder  the  intrinsic  character  of  the  work.  M. 
de  Caionne,  about  the  fame  time,  publifhed  a  book 
of  much  more  internal  merit ;  a  bo^-k  in  which 
falfehood  is  clothed  in  a  more  decent  covering  ;  and 
in  which  there  is  more  energy  and  argument,  to 
excite  the  champions  of  defpoiifm  to  begin  the 
work  of  defolation.  But  Caionne  wrote  and  ap- 


256  NOTE    ON    MR.    BURKE. 

peared  in  his  true  charadler.  It  was  known  that 
he  had  been  a  robber  in  France,  and  was  now  an 
exile  in  England  ;  and,  while  he  herded  with  the 
Englifh  robbers  at  St.  James's,  he  wrote  to  revenge 
himfelf  upon  the  country  whofe  juftice  he  had 
efcaped.  His  writings,  therefore,  had  but  little 
weight  ;  perhaps  as  little  as  Mr.  Burke's  would 
have  had,  if  his  real  object  had  been  known. 

But  this  illuftrious  hypocrite  pofTefled  every  ad 
vantage  for  deception.  He  palmed  himfelf  upon 
the  world  as  a  volunteer  in  the  general  caufe  of 
philanthropy.  Giving  himfelf  up  to  the  frenzy 
of  an  unbridled  imagination,  he  conceives  himfelf 
writing  tragedy,  without  being  confined  to  the 
obvious  laws  of  fiftion  ;  and  taking  advantage  of 
the  recency  of  the  events,  and  of  the  ignorance  of 
thofe  who  were  to  read  his  rhapfodies,  he  peoples 
France  with  aflaffins,  for  the  fake  of  raifin^  a 
hue-and-cry  againft  its  peaceable  inhabitants  ;  he 
paints  ideal  murders,  that  they  may  be  avenged  by 
the  reality  of  a  wide  extended  ..(laughter  ;  he  tranf- 
forms  the  mildeft  and  mod  generous  people  in 
Europe  into  a  nation  of  monfters  and  ath'eifts, 
t€  heaping  mountains  upon  mountains,  and  wag 
ing  war  with  heaven, "  that  he  may  intereft  the 
confciences  of  one  part  of  his  readers,  and  cloak 
the  hypocrify  of  another,  to  induce  them  both  to 
renounce  the  chara&er  of  men,  while  they  avenge 
the  caufe  of  God. 

Such  was  the  fir  ft  picture  of  the  French  revo 
lution  prefented  at  once  to  the  eyes  of  all  the  men 
who  held  the  reins  of  government  in  the  feveral 
ftates  of  Europe  ;  and  fuch  was  the  authority  of 
the  author  by  whom  it  was  prefented,  that  we  are 
not  to  be  aftonimed  at  the  effect.  The  emigrant 
princes,  and  the  agents  of  the  court  of  the  Thuil- 


NOTE    ON    MR.     BURKE.  257 


leries,  who  were  then  befieging  the  anti-chambers 
of  miniders  in  every  country,  found  a  new  fource 
of  impudence  i.i  this  extraordinary  work.  They 
found  their  own  invented  fictions  confirmed  in 
their  fulled  latitude,  and  a  rich  variety  of  fuper- 
added  falfehood,  of  which  the  mod  fhamelefs  fyco- 
phant  of  Louis  or  of  Conde  would  blufh  to  have 
been  the  author.  Wish  this  book  in  their  hands, 
it  was  eafy  to  gain  the  ear  of  men  already  predif- 
pofed  -toliden  to  any  project  which  might  rivet 
the  chains  of  their  fellow  creatures. 

Thefe  arguments,  detailed  by  proper  agentsi 
induced  fome  of  the  principal  fovereigns  of  Eu 
rope  to  agree  to  the  treaty  of  Pilnitz;  then  the 
death  of  Leopold,  as  I  have  dated  in  the  preface, 
unhappily  removed  the  crreat  obdacle  to  the  exe 
cution  of  that  treaty,  and  the  war  of  Mr.  Burke 
was  let  loofe,  with  all  the  horrors  he  intended  to 
excite.  And  what  is  the  language  proper  to  be 
ufed  indefcribing  the  character  of  a  man,  who,  in 
his  fituation,  at  his  time  of  life,  and  for  a  penfion 
of  only  fifteen  hundred  pounds  a  year,  could  fit 
down  deliberately  in  his  clofet  and  call  upon  the 
powers  of  earth  and  hell  to  inflicl  fuch  a  weight  of 
mifery  on  the  human  race  ?  When  we  fee  Alex 
ander  depopulating  kingdoms  and  reducing  great 
cities  to  afhes,  we  tranfport  ourfelves  to  the  age  in 
which  he  lived,  when  human  daughter  was  hu 
man  glory  ;  and  we  make  fome  allowance  for  the 
ravings  of  ambition.  If  we  contemplate  the 
frightful  cruelties  of  Cortez  and  Pizarro,  we  view 
their  characters  as  a  competition  of  avarice,  and 
fanaticifm  ;  we  fee  them  infatiable  of  wealth,  and 
mad  with  the  idea  of  extending  the  knowledge  of 
their  religion.  But  here  is  a  man  who  calls  him- 
(elf  a  philofopher^  not  remarkable  for  his  avarice^ 


258  NOTE    ON    MR.    BURKE. 

the  delight  and  ornament  of  a  numerous  fociety  of 
valuable  friends,  refpe£ted  by  all  enlightened  men 
as  a  friend  ef  peace  and  preacher  of  humanity, 
living  in  an  age  when  military  madnefs  has  loft  its 
charms,  and  men -begin  to  unite  in  fearching  the 
means  of  avoiding  the  horrors. of  war  ;  this  man, 
wearied  with  the  happinefs  tha*  fur  rounds  him, 
and  difgufted  at  the  ^lory  that  awaits  Htoy  renoun 
ces  alt  his  friends,  belies  the  doclrines  ofHtisfor- 
mer  life,  bev/ails  that  the  military  favageiiefs  of 
the  fourteenth  century  is  paft  away,  and,  to  gratify 
his  barbarous  wifhes  to  call  it  back,  conjures  up  a 
war,  in  whicfi  at  lean:  two  millions  of  his  fellow 
creatures  rnuft  be  facrificed  to  his  unaccountable 
paflion.  Such  is  the  condition  of  human  nature, 
that  the  greateft  crimes  have  ufually  gone  unpu- 
nillied.  It  appears  to  me,  that  hiltory  does  not 
furniih  a  greater  one  than  this  of  .Mr.  Burke  ;  and 
yet  all  the  confolation  that  ^J#e  can  dr^w  from  the 
dete&ion,  is  to  leave  the  man  to  his  own  refiecli- 
onsj  and  '^xpofe  his  condu£l  to  the  execration  of 
psfierity. 


END. 


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